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Who “Invented” Egyptian Arab Nationalism?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Ralph M. Coury
Ralph M. Coury
Affiliation:
Hartford, Connecticut
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Extract

A number of writers on Egyptian Arab nationalism have maintained that this nationalism originated in religious motives, that it was initially exploited by the Palace and its allies and only then reluctantly adopted by the Wafd for primarily party purposes. In an essay entitled “Pan Arabism and British Policy” Kedourie links the initiation of an active pan-Arab policy to King Faruq and his “coadjutors and instruments” Ali Mahir and Abd al-Rahman Azzam, who in the late thirties “invented and propagated pan-Arabism as a policy for Egypt” and who “conceived the dream of an authoritarian Muslim state in Egypt embracing gradually all the Arabs and perhaps in the fullness of time all the Muslims.” He acknowledges that the Wafd and not the Palace entourage negotiated the Arab League but he attributes al-Nahhas's acquiesence to personal and party interests. “We do not yet know what convinced al-Nahhas that pan-Arabism was a paying policy,” he writes, “but no doubt the desire to please the King, to dish his opponents by adopting their policy, the dislike of Iraq's aggrandisement should Nuri al-Said's [Fertile Crescent unity] scheme be realized, the approval of the British, and visions of future grandeur had their part to play.” Egypt, he claims, had never manifested any interest in Arabism before the 1943–1945 negotiations leading to the Arab League.

Kedourie presents the fullest, most explicit, and baldest statement of this interpretation but it is found, or reflected, variously, in other well-known works, including Heyworth-Dunne's Religious and Political Trends in Modern Egypt in which it seems to have been first formulated, as well as Safran's Egypt in Search of Political Community and Mitchell's The Society of the Muslim Brothers

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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 14 , Issue 3 , August 1982 , pp. 249 - 281
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

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References

NOTES

1 Kedourie, Elie, “Pan Arabism and British Policy,” in The Chatham House Version and Other Middle Eastern Studies (London, 1970), p. 218.Google Scholar

2 Ibid.

3 James, Heyworth-Dunne, Religious and Political Trends in Modern Egypt (Washington, D.C., 1950).Google Scholar

4 Safran, Nadav, Egypt in Search of Political Community (Cambridge, Mass., 1961).Google Scholar

5 Mitchell, Richard, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London, 1969).Google Scholar

6 Safran, , Egypt in Search of Political Community, pp. 256–257.Google Scholar

7 Vatikiotis, P. J., The Modern History of Egypt (New York, 1969), p. 234.Google Scholar

8 Anis, Muhammad and al-Sayyid, Rajab al-Hiraz, Thawra 23 Yulyu. 1952 wa Usuluha al Tarakhiyya (Cairo, 1969), p. 150.Google Scholar

9 Sayigh, Anis, al-Fikra al Arabiyya fi Misr (Beirut, 1959), p. 142.Google Scholar

10 See, e.g. Anwar, al-Jundi, al-Adab al-Arabi al-Hadith fi Maraka al-Muqawama wa al-Huriyya wa al-Tajammu, 1830–1959 (Cairo, 1959), p. 514.Google Scholar

11 Sayigh, , al-Fikra al-Arabiyya, p. 190.Google Scholar

12 For articles on Saad's meetings with the Syrians and the text of his call to the nation on their behalf see al-Balagh, 11 6 and 8, 1925.Google Scholar

13 Mahmud, al-Aqqad, “Hawadith Suriyya: ibratuha and al-Sharqiyyin,” al-Balagh, 11. 8, 1925.Google Scholar According to Asad Daghir, a Lebanese journalist active among the Arab nationalist emigré groups in Cairo in 1925, the effect of the Syrian revolution was so great that Egyptians began to understand the Syrian and Arab cause only after it had occurred (Mudhakkirati ala Hamish al-Qadiyya al-Arabiyya [Cairo, 1950?], p. 165).Google Scholar

14 I have relied upon the following sources for this conference: Sami Sarraj's articles in al-Jihad, beginning 12 7, 1931,Google Scholar and continuing until Dec. 23; articles in al-Ahram, beginning 11 26, 1931,Google Scholar and ending Dec. 30; Muhammad, Ali Tahir, Nazarat al-Shura (Cairo, 1933), pp. 96–100, 162–166, 189–193, 203–208, and 226–231;Google Scholar Muhammad, lzzat Darwaza, Hawl al-Haraka al-Arabiyya al-Haditha, vol. 3 (Saida, Lebanon, 1959?), pp. 79–89;Google Scholar F. O. 371/16009/1657 E753/87/65. A report of the Colonial Office to the Foreign Office dated Feb. 12, 1932, summarizing the proceedings of the Muslim Conference in Jerusalem from Dec. 6 to Dec. 16; al-Manar, 35, 2 (02 1932), 120–131, providing information on the meetings between Hajj Amin al-Husaini and Wafdist leaders. I also interviewed Muhammad Izzat Darwaza, a leading Palestinian of the Istiqial party, in Damascus, June 13, 1970.Google Scholar

15 Tahir, , Nazarat, pp. 96–100Google Scholar and F. O. 371/16009/1657 E753/87/65. A report from the Colonial Office to Under Secretary of State for the Foreign Office, Williams, O. E. R., 12, 1931.Google Scholar

16 See F. O. 371/16009 E87/87/65. From the Colonial Office, Jan. 5, 1932. Note on a conversation of Dec. 17, 1931, between H. C. Wauchope, High Commissioner for Palestine, Awni Bey Abd al Hadi and the Mufti Hajj Amin al-Husaini; and al Manar, 35, 2 (02 1932), 120–131,Google Scholar and Tahir, , Nazarat, pp. 205, 229.Google Scholar

17 F.O. 371/16009/1657 E 6635/87/45. From the Colonial Office, Dec. 13, 1932. This document transmits a copy of a secret letter of Nov. 18 from Deputy Commandant, Criminal Investigation Department, to Chief Secretary, on the work of the executive (preparatory) committee; see also F.O. 371/16854/1657 E 955/342/65. Sir Percy Lorraine, High Commissioner, Cairo, to Sir Lancelot Oliphant, F.O., Jan. 20, 1933; the text of the pact and a discussion of subsequent activities of the preparatory committee is given in Darwaza, , Haul al-Haraka, pp. 86–89.Google Scholar

18 For Makram's visit see Sayigh, , al-Fikr al-Arabiyya, pp. 172–173.Google Scholar

19 Ubaid, Makram, al-Makramiyyar, Ahmad, Qassim Jawda, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), p. 153.Google Scholar

20 On Basiyuni's activities see al-Bishri, , al-Haraka, p. 244,Google Scholar and F.O. 406/75/4695 E 351/351/65. Sir Miles Lampson, British Ambassador, Cairo, to Sir Anthony Eden, F.O., received January 18, 1937. Khair al-Din al-Zirikli, the Syrian poet and litterateur, who was resident in Egypt in the twenties and active in pan-Arab affairs, spoke of the interest and friendship of Azzam, Abd al-Sattar and Hamad al-Basil, and al-Nugrashi, in a personal interview in Beirut, Feb. 4, 1971. The same names are mentioned in Daghir, , Mudhakkirat, p. 94.Google Scholar

21 On the relationship between al-Nahhas and Sami Sarraj, and, more generally, between Wafdists and Arabs from the Mashriq, see F.O. 371/16854/1657 E 955/347/65. Lorraine, Cairo, to Oliphant, F.O., Jan. 20, 1933; Muhammad, Ali Tahir, Zalam al-Sijin (Cairo, 1951), passim, and particularly pp. 463–464 and 618–620;Google Scholar and Daghir, , Mudhakkirasi, pp. 242–245.Google Scholar The journalist Sarraj joined with other eastern Arabs and Egyptians (including Salah Jawda and Abd al-Wahhab al-Najjar) to form the Society of Arab Unity in 1931, which was dedicated to bringing about greater ties between Egypt and the Arab countries. The special support shown by the Syrians and other eastern Arabs to the Wafd was the object of a particularly vicious attack by the pro-Palace al-Kashkul on 08 22, 1930, which sarcastically remarked that it was interesting that no one praised al-Nahhas except the Syrians, who had no right to involve themselves in Egyptian affairs.Google Scholar

22 Quoted in Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 355–356.Google Scholar

23 a1-Ahram, 08. 13, 1937.Google Scholar

24 Quoted in Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 354–355.Google Scholar

25 Abd, al-Latif Hamza, Adab al-Maqal al-Sahafiyya fi Misr, VIII, 266,Google Scholar cited in al-Bishri, , al Haraka, p. 344.Google Scholar

26 F.O. 371/J4296. Bateman, C. H., Cairo, to the F.O., 11 21, 1938. Bateman speaks of the speeches given on the Wafd's national day to the effect that immigration to Palestine should be stopped and Palestinians allowed to form their own government; also F.O. 371/J3432. Bateman, Cairo, to Harold MacMichael, High Commissioner for Palestine, Sept. 5, 1938, on the subscription drive launched by the Wafd for bereaved families.Google Scholar

27 F.O. 406/ 75 4694 E 4320/22/31. Lampson, , Cairo, to Eden, , F.O., 07 25, 1937;Google Scholar and F.O. 406/75 4694 no.63 E 4668/22/31. David, V. Kelly, Alexandria, to Viscount Halifax, Secretary of State of the F.O., 08 9, 1937.Google Scholar

28 F.O. 406/75 E 698/698/93 no. 46 (no. 32). SirKerr, A. Clark, British Ambassador, Baghdad, to Eden, , F.O., 06 18, 1937.Google Scholar

29 F.O. 406/75 4694/E 351/351/65 no. 107 (no. 40). Lampson, , Cairo, to Eden, , F.O., received 01 18, 1937.Google Scholar

30 See Muhammad, Ali Tahir, Mutaqal Hakstib (Cairo, 1950), pp. 353–354.Google Scholar

31 Personal interview with Muhammad, Ali Tahir, Beirut, 12 29, 1970.Google Scholar See also Mutaqal Hakstib, pp. 581–582.Google Scholar

32 Kedourie, , “Pan Arabism,” pp. 218–219.Google Scholar

33 Ibid., p. 216.

34 Ibid., p. 215.

35 Akhir Saa, 03 26, 1939.Google Scholar For the crisis surrounding Azzam's attendance I have also relied upon F.O. 371/23 222/E 925/6/31. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 6, 1939;Google Scholar al-Ahram, 02. 2–4, 6, 8, 1939;Google Scholar Ruz al- Yusif 01 8, 1939;Google Scholar and an interview with Abd al-Rahman Azzam in Bait Miri, Lebanon, , 09 2, 1969.Google Scholar

36 Mahir's efforts are colorfully described in the journalist Muhammad, Ali al-Tabii's Min Asrar al-Sasa wa al-Siyasa (Cairo, 1970), pp. 205–206;Google Scholar see also “Khitta Ali Mahir al-Siyasiyya,” Misr al-Fatal, 07 1, 1939.Google Scholar

37 al-Bishri, , al-Haraka, p. 245.Google Scholar

38 On the moderation of Mahir and the Egyptian delegation at the conference see Cohen, Michael, Palestine: Retreat from the Mandate (London, 1978), pp. 17, 80–81;Google Scholar and Porath, Yehoshua, The Palestinian Arab National Movement, vol. 2 (London, 1977), p. 287.Google Scholar Cohen points out that Mahir tried to get the Palestinian Arabs to drop their veto on immigration after five years and Porath that Mahir claimed that the only point that had prevented agreement was the inability to obtain a definite time limit to the transition toward independence. So moderate was Mahir's attitude that he was severely criticized by his supporters in Misr al-Fatat. See Misr al-Fatat, 07 8 and 13, 1939.Google Scholar

39 F.O. 371/22032/1808 J 3697/3/66. Bateman, , Alexandria, to Halifax, , F.O., 09 26, 1938. Bateman speaks of Azzam's Arabist proclivities and of the fact that in these and other matters “he has been frequently consulted by the Prime Minister [Mahmud] lately.”Google Scholar

40 ln addition to the conference in Jerusalem in 1931 Azzam, along with Hamad al-Basil, had represented the Wafd in a conference in Saudi Arabia in 1928. See F.O. 406/61 4694/ 57 no. 72. Lord Lloyd, High Commissioner, Cairo, to the F.O., May 19, 1928; F.O. 371/13015/1744. Stonehewer-Bird, W., Jeddah, , to the F.O., 06 16, 1928;Google Scholar al-Ahram, 05 27, 28, 1928;Google Scholar and al-Kashkul, 05 18, 1928.Google Scholar See also F.O. 371/ 16854/1657 E 955/347/65. Lorraine, , Cairo, to Oliphant, , F.O., 01 20, 1933. Lorraine says Azzam and Basil “have always represented the Wafd in any predominantly Arab demonstrations.”Google Scholar

41 Kedourie, Elie, “Egypt and the Caliphate, 1915–1952,” in The Chatham House Version and Other Middle Eastern Essays (London, 1970), p. 200.Google Scholar

42 Ibid., pp. 200–201.

43 Ibid., p. 203.

44 Ibid., p. 204.

45 Ibid.

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid., pp. 204–205.

48 F.O. 406/76 E 2504/1034/65. Lampson, , Cairo, to Halifax, , F.O., 04 22, 1938.Google Scholar

49 al-Misri, 05 29, 1938.Google Scholar

50 Ibid. The Shaikh's opinion was shared by Khalid Husain Bey, Inspector of Modern Studies at al-Azhar, who said he was one of the opponents of Arab unity.

51 Kedourie, , “Egypt and the Caliphate,” p. 203.Google Scholar

52 Personal interview, Beirut, May 18, 1970.

53 F.O. 371/20914/1783 J 3869/369/16. Kelly, , Cairo, to the F.O., on a talk held 08 28, 1937, between him and al-Maraghi.Google Scholar

54 Ibid., as well as F.O. 371/J4087. Kelly, , Cairo, to Eden, , F.O., 09 29, 1937;Google Scholar Kedourie, , “Egypt and the Caliphate,” pp. 199–200, 200–202;Google Scholar and al-Tabii, , Asrar al-Sasa, pp. 184–186.Google Scholar

55 Kedourie, , “Egypt and the Caliphate,” p. 203.Google Scholar

56 See Minbar al-Sharq, 06 16, 1938, p. 2;Google Scholar and al-Rabita al-Arabiyya, 02. 8, 1939, p. 14.Google Scholar The editorial in Minbar al-Sharq says responsible people in high circles are not interested and that Egypt would not be served by such a caliphate. In the al-Rabita al-Arabiyya article, entitled “Misr wa al-Khilafa,” Amin Said argues that Arab unity should be realized before thinking of the caliphate. For the opposition of Turks, Saudis, and other foreigners, see al-Ahram, 01. 26, 1939;Google Scholar F.O. 406/76 E 2504/1034/65. Lampson, , Cairo to Halifax, F.O., 04 22, 1938;Google Scholar F.O. 406/76 E 1527/1034/65. Halifax, F.O., to Lampson, , Cairo, 04 4, 1938;Google Scholar and F.O. 406/E 1687/1034/65. Bullard, , Jeddah, , to Halifax, , F.O., 03 9, 1938.Google Scholar

57 Personal interview, Cairo, Sept. 1, 1970.

58 F.O. 406/75 4684 340 no. 1110 E 1662/1662/65. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 03 12, 1938. This is a report on a conversation which M. R. Hamilton, the Oriental Secretary, had with the Turkish Minister to Egypt.Google Scholar

59 Personal interview, Beirut, , 05 18, 1970.Google Scholar

60 F.O. 371/E 1114/103465. Lampson, , Cairo, to Eden, , F.O., 02 17, 1938.Google Scholar

61 The clashes between al-Bindari and Mahir are written about in Misr al-Fatat, particularly the issues of May 13 and July 8, 1939; Radwan, Fathi, al-Asr wa al-Rijal (Cairo, 1967), pp. 544–545;Google Scholar and F.O. 371/23304 J 803/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 21, 1939.Google Scholar A text of Faruq's speech can be found in The Egyptian Gazette, 02 21, 1939. I have interviewed Fathi Radwan (Cairo, Nov. 7, 1970), an influential member of Misr al-Fatat and a personal friend of al-Bindari, and al-Bindari himself (Cairo, Nov. 15, 1970). On the first day of the Islamic New Year Faruq gave a speech in which he said that he had inherited the character of independence from his father. This was taken to mean that he was not under the influence of Mahir. According to al-Bindari and Radwan, al-Bindari wrote this part of the speech and urged the king to end certain formal diplomatic privileges which the British had retained after the treaty of 1936. Radwan told me that al-Bindari gave the entire story of his clash with Mahir and the British to the leaders of Misr al-Fatat so that they would publish it in their paper and thereby provide al-Bindari with revenge for having been sent to Brussels.Google Scholar

62 See Berque, , Imperialism and Revolution, pp. 460–465, for a brilliant analysis of Mahir and the politics of his ministry of 1936.Google Scholar

63 F.O. 371/23304 J 674/1/16. Lampson. Cairo, to the F.O. Transmits a copy of a conversation between Lampson and Bateman, with reference to Kelly's note.

64 On Mahir's efforts to gain British good will see Misr al-Fatat, 07 8, 1939,Google Scholar in which Mahir is described as one of the axes upon which British policy now depends; also, F.O. 371/23305/ J/1844/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 05 2, 1939;Google Scholar and F.O. 371/23306/J 2902/1/16. Lampson, , Alexandria, to the F.O., 07 21, 1939. On May 2 Lampson said that Mahir seemed most anxious to dispel British distrust and that he had assured him that he was determined to work loyally with the British. And, in July, Lampson wrote that since London and al-Bindari “he has of late certainly shown me every sign of wishing to revert to the old footing of mutual friendship and confidence.”Google Scholar

65 Kedourie, , “Pan Arabism and British Policy,” p. 217.Google Scholar

66 Ibid.

67 Ibid.

68 Ibid., p. 218.

69 Ibid., p. 214.

70 Ibid.

71 Vatikiotis, , The Modern History of Egypt, p. 345.Google Scholar

72 Khadduri, Majid, “Aziz Ali al-Misri and the Arab Nationalist Movement,” St. Antonys Papers no. 17, Middle Eastern Affairs no. 4, Hourani, Albert, ed. (Oxford, 1965), p. 158.Google Scholar

73 Mitchell, , Muslim Brothers, p. 19.Google Scholar

74 For Misr al-Fatat's support of Mahir and his group, and particularly Aziz Ali al-Misri, see Misr al Fatat, 05 12, 06 6, 08 14, 19, 09. 19, 29, 1938;Google Scholar see also, Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 59.Google Scholar

75 Quoted in Tahir, , Mutaqal Hakstib, pp. 643–644.Google Scholar

76 F.O. 371/8988/1635 E 5538. Allenby, Lord, High Commissioner, Cairo, to the F.O., 05 17, 1923.Google Scholar

77 Personal interview, Beirut, May 23, 1970.

78 See al-Jihad, 07 5, 6, 1932.Google Scholar

79 Session 49, Chamber of Deputies, Sept. 6, 1926. During a debate on the military budget.

80 F.O. 371/16109/1744/J2414/14/16. Campbell, Ronald, Cairo, to Oliphant, , F.O., 08 10, 1932.Google Scholar Note on conversation between Hamilton, M. R., Acting Sudan Agent, and Azzam on 08 4, 1932.Google Scholar

81 F.O. 371/13123 J 287/4/ 16. Murray, John, Egyptian Department, F.O., to Wyndham, H. A., Royal Institute of International Affairs, 10 12, 1928.Google Scholar

82 F.O. 371/19091 J 725/725/ 16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 15, 1935.Google Scholar There is an Arabic translation of this report in al-Ahram, 02 6, 1970.Google Scholar

83 Ibid.

84 The Spectator, London, 10 19, 1928,Google Scholar cited in al-Shura, 11 25, 1928.Google Scholar

85 See F.O. 371/16125/1744 J 966/966/16. Lorraine, Cairo, to SirWauchope, A. C., High Commissioner, Palestine, 04 11, 1932;Google Scholar F.O. 371/16125/1744 J 1007/966/16. Oliphant, , F.O., to Lorraine, , Cairo, 04 20, 1932;Google Scholar F.O. 371/16125/1744 J 2152/966/16. Lorraine, , Cairo, to Wauchope, , Jerusalem, , 07 20, 1932;Google Scholar F.O. 371/ 16125/1744, Wauchope, , Jerusalem, , to Lorraine, , Cairo, 07 24, 1932;Google Scholar and F.O. 371/ 16125/1744 J 2232/966/16. From the F.O. to Lorraine, , Egypt, , 07 30, 1932.Google Scholar

86 F.O. 406.75 no. 108 E 5831/381/63. Kelly, , Acting High Commissioner, Ramleh, , to F.O., 09 4, 1936.Google Scholar

87 Ibid.

88 F.O. 371/22032/1808 J 3697/3/66. Bateman, , Alexandria, , to Halifax, , F.O., 09 26, 1938.Google Scholar

89 F.O. 371/22033/ 1826 J 4362/3/66. Brigadier, J. N. Kennedy, War Office, to Kelly, , Cairo, 11 21, 1938.Google Scholar

90 F.O. 371/22032/1808 K 3794/3/66. MrMack, , Paris, to Kelly, , Egypt, , 10 4, 1938.Google Scholar

91 H. Montgomery, of the Eastern Department, in a minute on the Bateman telegram cited in note 91.

92 Personal interview, Beirut, May 23, 1970.

93 Ibid.

94 F.O. 371/E436/171/93 no. 34. Kerr, , Baghdad, , to Eden, , F.O., 01 4, 1938.Google Scholar

95 F.O. 371/20143/ 1798. Bateman, , Baghdad, , to Eden, , F.O., 08 25, 1936.Google Scholar

96 For example, the journalist and writer Muhammad Subaih, who was prominent in Misr al-Fatat during the late thirties, told me that he and others knew that Azzam was of the “Muhammad Abdu school” in respect to the British, i.e., that he shared the great Shaikh's moderate stance toward the imperial presence. Personal interview, Cairo, Oct. 12, 1970; see, also, al-Kashkul, 05 18, 1928, in which pro-Palace editor Sulaiman Fawzi attacks the Wafdist Azzam for consorting with his “new masters” the English and spending more time at the British ambassador's residence than he does at his own home.Google Scholar

97 See al-Ahram, 09. 14 and 10. 29, 1935, 01. 18, 01. 22, 02. 5, and 02. 19, 1936,Google Scholar and al-Jihad, 09. 12, 1932.Google Scholar Azzam would continue to make use of the threat of smoldering radicalism which Arab leadership could scarcely contain and which therefore necessitated concessions by the British and Zionists. See, e.g., Kimche, Jon, The Second Arab Awakening (New York, 1970), pp. 242–243, in which Azzam's meeting with Abba Eban and David Horowitz in 1948 is recounted.Google Scholar

98 Berque, . Imperialism and Revolution, p. 386.Google Scholar

99 See, e.g., Elon, Amos, The Israelis: Founders and Sons (New York, 1971), p. 192.Google Scholar

100 His statement to al-Ahram, 03 27, 1939,Google Scholar after the Palestine conference in London, is typical. He asserted that ties of friendship had always existed between Arabs and Jews and that it was necessary for them to continue to search for a common ground. They should not struggle over Palestine and there were many areas in which they could cooperate. Zionism was bound to bring evil to both sides. See also his article, “Hal Nadfin Dhikra Waad Balfur?” al-Fath, ed. 469, 2 Shaban, 1354, yr. 10 (11 20. 1933), p. 8.Google Scholar

101 Arslan was the head of the Syrian delegation to the conference. See Tahir, , Mutaqal Hakstib, p. 527.Google Scholar

102 F.O. 371/23306/J 3525/1/16. Bateman, , Cairo, to the F.O., 08 25, 1939.Google Scholar

103 F.O. 371/23306 J 3277/1/16. Bateman, , Cairo, to the F.O., 08 20, 1939;Google Scholar F.O. 371/23306 J 3525/1/16. Bateman, , Cairo, to the F.O., 08 25, 1939;Google Scholar see also Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 59–60.Google Scholar

104 See F.O. 371/23304 J 417/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 01 31, 1939;Google Scholar F.O. 371/23304 J 674/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 10, 1939;Google Scholar F.O. 371/23304 J 567/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 13, 1939;Google Scholar and F.O. 371/23304 J 591/1/16. Halifax, F.O., to MrGeoffrey, Dawson of The Times, 02 14, 1939.Google Scholar

105 F.O. 371/23306 J 3426/1/16. Bateman, , Cairo, to the F.O., 08 26, 1939.Google Scholar

106 Ibid.

107 This discussion of al-Misri is based on the following sources: F.O. 371/7740/E 10 335/57/16. Allenby, , Cairo, to the F.O., 10 I, 1922;Google Scholar F.O. 370/238/L 8085/8085/405. Lloyd, , Cairo, to the F.O., 12 17, 1926;Google Scholar F.O. 370/257/L 2425/2425/405. Lloyd, , Cairo, to the F.O., 04 10, 1927;Google Scholar F.O. 371/ 19076/J 5703/110/16. Chancery, , Cairo, to Egyptian Government, 10 3, 1935Google Scholar (a biographical note on al-Misri); Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 59–60;Google Scholar and Khadduri, , “Aziz All al-Misri,” 140–163.Google Scholar

108 F.O. 371/247/145. Bullard, , Jeddah, , to the F.O., 04 14, 1938.Google Scholar

109 Ibid.

110 See F.O. 371/23305 J/ 1844/1/16. C. Baxter, F.O., in answer to a question of John Sneckburgh, Colonial Office, in regard to Mahir's character. Baxter's remarks are found with a dispatch from Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 05 2, 1939.Google Scholar

111 Ibid.

112 F.O. 371/23304 J 437/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 01 30, 1939.Google Scholar

113 Ibid.

114 F.O. 371/23306 J 2758/1/14. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 07 8, 1939;Google Scholar Mahir had in fact been forced on al-Nahhas as chief of the Royal Cabinet because the British needed someone to talk to who had access to the king. At that time, Kelly remarked, they knew about Mahir's passion for intrigue but “other considerations out-weighed any anxiety on that score.” See F.O. 37 1/23304 J 674/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 02 10, 1939.Google Scholar Kelly's remarks are in the form of a note. See also a note to a despatch of Lampson in which Cavendish Bentinck of the F.O. writes: “All three possible successors to Mohammed Mahmud Pasha [including Ali Mahir] have behaved loyally towards us during the past year and none of them has, so far as we are aware, intrigued with either the Germans or the Italians. All three are also on good terms with Sir Miles Lampson.” F.O. 371/23306 J 2616/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 07 3, 1939.Google Scholar

115 See Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 59;Google Scholar al-Tabii, , Asrar al-Sasa, p. 201,Google Scholar and F.O. 371/23306 J 3277/1/16. Bateman, , Cairo, to the F.O., 08 20, 1939.Google Scholar

116 Ramadan, , Tatawwur, II, 55–97.Google Scholar

117 One of Mahir's fiercest critics was Prince Muhammad Ali, whose complaints were so predictable that even Lampson, naturally suspicious of the Pasha, seems to have begun to take them with a grain of salt. In his diary entry of Oct. 5, 1939, for example, Lampson writes of a visit of the King's elderly uncle and his “diatribe against the young King and his unrestrained conduct, ending with another attack, in the usual strain, on Aly Mahir.” See Trefor, E. Evans, ed., Mission to Egypt: Lord Killearn (excerpts from the Killearn Diaries) (University of Wales Press, 1971), p. 13.Google Scholar See, also, F.O. 371/2330 J 4624/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to Kelly, , F.O., 11, 1939. Lampson speaks of Prince Muhammad Ali's claim that Mahir was trying to get him and Smart, the Oriental secretary, recalled. Cavendish Bentinck of the F.O. commented: “His [The Prince's” desire to harm his enemies seems to be becoming an obsession with him. I am beginning to think that we ought not to take what he says very seriously.”Google Scholar

118 The case of the dismissal of Uthman is an example. The British knew that he had been dismissed because of his connections with the Wafd. They also knew that Mahir was trying to portray this dismissal as an act of defiance against the British. Thus Kelly saw that the dismissal of Uthman— “our valuable intermediary”— will be “interpreted as a consequence of his helpfulness to the British government.” See his note to F.O. 371/23307 J 3899/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 09 20, 1939.Google Scholar And Lampson commented that Mahir is “said to be representing himself as standing up to unjustifiable British demands.” His dismissal of Uthman was “interpreted in many quarters as a slap in the face to us.” See F.O. 371/23307 J 4046/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 10 6, 1939.Google Scholar

119 Evans, , Mission of Egypt, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

120 F.O. 371/23304 J 4046/1/16. Lampson, , Cairo, to the F.O., 10 6, 1939.Google Scholar

121 F.O. 371/23304 J 1039/1/16. Kelly, , F.O., 03 9–11, 1939.Google Scholar

122 Personal interview, Cairo, April 3, 1970. At the beginning of the war Harb told al-Tabii, “I will give the Germans two months to be beaten.” In his book on Egypt before the revolution al-Tabii says that Mahir was loyal to Britain from Sept., 1939, to June, 1940. See al-Tabii, , Asrar al-Sasa, pp. 207–209. “In fact,” al-Tabii writes, “Mahir did not have a specific policy towards the Second World War. … or perhaps his policy towards the war and the Axis powers was like his domestic politics towards the parties and leaders of parties, i.e. a politics of opportunism.” Al-Tabii was a close friend of Ahmad Hasanain, the royal chamberlain, from whom he obtained much information for his book.Google Scholar

123 F.O. 371/23307 J 4115. Lampson, , Cairo, to Oliphant, F.O., 10 4, 1939. The translation from the secret report is my own, from the original French.Google Scholar

124 Personal interview, Beirut, May 25, 1970.

125 Ibid.

126 This salon is described in al-Khulud, a newspaper of the Muslim Brotherhood, March 3, 1939, p. 3, in a special, unsigned article on Azzam and his career, entitled “Akul al-Ushb wa Hazim al-Mawt.” Hunger allegedly forced Azzam to eat grass (ushb) with the Ottoman troops during the Tripolitanian jihad. For the friendship of Mahir and Azzam see “Khittat Au Mahir at Siyasiyya,” Misr al-Fatat, 07 1, 1939.Google Scholar

127 Personal interview, Beirut, May 17, 1970.

128 In May of 1938, for example, Misr al-Fatat boasted that Mahir Pasha believed in its principles and had taken them as a program for his coming ministry which would bring about the realization of an Egyptian empire, its alliance with the Arab countries, and its leadership of Islam. Whatever ideas Mahir may have had about what might ultimately ensue, his more immediate expectations, at least in respect to the Arab countries, seem to have been more realistically and quietly reflected in an interview with the Syrian journalist Muhammad Shakir al-Khardaji (the man who interviewed al-Maraghi) who in the late thirties traveled to Egypt in search of various Egyptian views about Arab unity. Mahir said that he believed in Arab unity and that it would be realized some day, either quickly or slowly. Such unity would be achieved by realizing the independence of each Arab country within recognized borders and by then forming a council including members from these Arab countries who would study the general affairs of the Arab world and the strengthening of friendly ties between its member states. See Muhammad, Shakir al-Khardaji, al-Arab fi Tariq al-Ittihad (Damascus, 1947), p. 78. The interview was given on Jan. 25, 1938.Google Scholar

129 Personal interview, Beirut, May 30, 1970.

130 F.O. 371/E1870/698/93 no. 59. Lampson, , Cairo, to Eden, , F.O., 03 26, 1937.Google Scholar

131 F.O. 371/20801/1783 E 698/698/93. Kerr, , Baghdad, , to the F.O., 01 18, 1937. I say Azzam may have had “other reasons” for being cool to the idea of an Iraqi treaty because he and his Palace allies may not have wished such a treaty to redound to the glory of the Wafd, in power at this time.Google Scholar

132 Shuqairi, Ahmad, Arbaun Aman fi al-Haya al-Arabiyya wa al-Duwaliyya (Beirut, 1969), p. 194.Google Scholar