Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
Infanticide is known to have been a common means of birth control from early, apparently even prehistoric, times. In societies that lacked any precise knowledge of the fertilization process and consequently methods for its prevention, infanticide was used more frequently than other known methods of population limitation, such as abstention from intercourse and abortion. Infanticide was expected to serve several functions: “general reduction in population numbers (including twin removal), removal of defectives, elimination of social ‘illegitimates’ (i.e., offspring whose existence violated social group boundaries), response to loss of the nursing mother, control of dependency ratio, manipulation of sex ratio, and finally, use as a backstop to other methods when those fail”.
Authors's note: This article is part of a larger study carried out at the University of Oxford with the generous support of St. Antony's College and completed at the University of Haifa with the help of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. For a more detailed account of the study, see my article “Concepts of Childhood and Attitudes towards Children in Medieval Islam: A Preliminary Study with Special Reference to Reactions to Infant and Child Mortality”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32 (June, 1989), pp. 121–52. My thanks are due to Professor Franz Rosenthal for his illuminating comments on the first version of this paper as well as to my former student lzhak Weissmann for his interesting observations on some of the infanticide verses in the Qur'an. I also wish to thank Marion Lupu, Cohn Lynes and Michael Billson for their help in improving my written English.
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32 Such was the tendency also in the Greco-Roman world, in medieval Europe, and in pre-modern Russia. See Langer, , “Infanticide: A Historical Survey,” p. 353; Harris, , “Theoretical Possibility of Extensive Infanticide in the Graeco-Roman World,” p. 114; McLaughlin, , “Survivors and Surrogates,” p. 120; Ransel, , Mothers of Misery, pp. 19, 130.Google Scholar
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62 Al-Qurtubī, , al-Jāmi⊂ li-ahkām al-Qur⊃ān, vol. 19, pp. 232–33;Google Scholaral-Tabarsī, , vol.4, p. 371.Google Scholar
63 Ibn, Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 477 (commentary on Qur⊃an 81:8–9).Google Scholar
64 Muhammad, b. Abī Bakr Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Tuhfat al-mawdūd fī ahkām al-mawlūd (Bombay, 1961), pp. 10–13: “Fī karāhati tasakhkhuri al-banātī”;Google ScholarIbn, Nās;ir al-Dīn al-Qaysī, Bard al-akbād ⊂an faqd al-awlād, manuscript, Bodley, Marsh 583, fol. 166a, where Dā⊃ūd b. Abī Hind is accused of desiring the death of his daughter, kunta tatamannā mawtahā.Google Scholar See also Giladi, , “Concepts of Childhood,” pp. 147–48.Google Scholar
65 Miller, B. D., The Endangered Sex (Ithaca, New York, and London, 1981), p. 42 (see also pp. 43–44);Google ScholarWrigley, Population and History, p. 43.
66 Al-Zamakhsharī, , al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, pp. 69, 70.Google Scholar See also al-Qurtubī, , al-Jāmi⊂ li-ahkām al-Qur⊃ ān, vol. 7, p. 91;Google Scholaral-Baydāwī, , Anwār al-tanzīl, vol. 1, p. 310; also see n. 9.Google Scholar
67 The same pagan parents who sacrifice their children to gods are described by the Prophet Ezekiel as loving parents: “For when they had slain their children to their idols, then they came the same day into My sanctuary to profane it” (Ezekiel, 23:39): “And you son of man, shall it not be in the day when I take from them their stronghold, the joy of their glory, the desire of their eyes, and the yearning of their soul, their sons and their daughters…” (Ezekiel, 24:25).
68 Ibn, Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Tuhfat al-mawdūd, p. 75.Google Scholar
69 Ibn, al-Jawzī, Ahkām al-nisā⊃, p. 380 (see also p. 373).Google Scholar
70 Al-Qaysī, , Bard al-akbād, fol. 172a. For similar narrations, see fols. 171b-72a.Google Scholar See also Jalāl al-Dīn, al-Suyūtī, al-lhtifāl bi-mawt al-atfāl, manuscript, Mingana Collection, Ar. 469 (1174 III), fol. 9a;Google Scholaral-Rāghib, al-Is;fahānī, Muhādarāt al-udabā⊃, p. 305; “Tamannī mawt al-awlād.”Google Scholar
71 Abū al-Hasan ⊂Alī b., Muhammad al-Madā⊃inī, Kitāb al-ta⊂āzī (Najaf, 1971), p. 17:Google Scholar “Al-hamdu li-Allāhi… nālū al-fawza wa-hāmū al-dhimāra”; p. 18: a similar narration about a father who lost two of his sons as martyrs on two different occasions and yet praised God every time the bad news was brought to him, “al-hamdu li-Allāhi alladhī ja⊂ala min s;ulbī man us;ība shahīdan.”
72 Ibid., p. 20.
73 Ibid., p. 23 (see also p. 43). For similar reports see Shihāb al-Dīn Abū al-⊂Abbās ibn Abī, Hajala, Sulwat al-hazīn fī mawt al-banīn, manuscript, Berlin 2660 (Lbg. 187), fols. 10b, 11a.Google Scholar
74 Al-Bayddāwī, , Anwār al-tanzīl, vol. 1, p. 311 (commentary on Qur⊃an 6:140);Google Scholaral-Zamakhsharī, , al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 72 (commentary on the same verse);Google Scholaral-Qurtubī, , al-Jāmi⊂ li-ahkām al-Qur⊃ān, vol. 7, pp. 96–97 (commentary on the same verse: “Wa-kāna minhum man yaqtuluhu [waladahu] safahan bi-ghayri hujjatin minhum fī qatlihim wa-hum Rabī⊂a wa-Mudar kānū yaqtulūna banātihim li-ajli al-hamiyyati”).Google Scholar
75 Ibn, Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 188Google Scholar (commentary on Qur⊃an 6:152): “Sa⊃ala [⊂Abdallāh b. Mas⊂ūd] Rasūla Allāhi hal⊂cm: ‘ayyu al-dhanbi a⊃zamu?’ Qāla: ‘An taj⊂ala li-Allāhi niddan wa-huwa khāliquka.’ Qultu: ‘Thumma ayyu?’ Qāla: ‘An raqtula waladaka khashyata an yat⊂ama ma⊂aka’. See also: Muhammad, b. Abi Bakr Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Fatāwā Rasūl Allāh (Cairo, 1980), p. 183.Google Scholar
76 Al-Qurtubī, , al-Jāmi⊂ li-ahkām al-Qur⊃ān, vol. 7, pp. 96–97 (commentary on Qur⊃an 6:141).Google Scholar
77 Al-Tabarī, , Jāmi⊂ al-bayān, vol. 14, p. 76 (commentary on Qur⊃an 16:59–61):Google Scholaral-Tabarsī, , Majma⊂ al-bayān, vol. 6, p. 367 (commentary on the same verse).Google Scholar
78 Al-Tabarī, , Jāmi⊂ al-bayān;Google Scholaral-Tabarsī, , Majma⊂ al-bayān.Google Scholar See also al-Baydāwī, , Anwār al-tanzīl, vol. 2, pp. 233–34 (commentary on Qur⊃an 42:49–50).Google Scholar For reports praising girls, see Ibn, Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Tuhfat al-mawdūd, pp. 10–13.Google Scholar
79 For reports on Sa⊂s;a⊂a, al-Farazdaq's grandfather, see, e.g., al-Qurtubī, , al-Jāmi⊂c li-ahkām al-Qur⊃ān, vol. 10, p. 117 (commentary on Qur⊃an 81:8–9). For a similar report on Zayd b. ⊂Amr b. Nufayl,Google Scholar see al-Bukhārī, , Sahīh, K. manāqib al-ans;ār, bāb 24.Google Scholar
80 Mālik, b. Anas, al-Muwatta⊃ (Tunis, 1280/1863), pp. 163, 164;Google ScholarAbū, Dā⊃ūd, Sunan, K. al-jihād, bāb 111;Google Scholaral-Dārimī, , Sunan, K. al-siyar, bāb 25.Google Scholar In some of these hadith reports, however, the Prophet is said to have allowed the killing of the enemy's families before he took the unequivocal decision to forbid this. The criterion used to distinguish between a child and an adult is given in Sunan, al-Dārimī, K. al-siyar, bāb 26: “Fa-man anbata al-sha⊂ra qutila wa-man lam yunbit turika.”Google Scholar
81 Taqī al-Dīn Ibn, Taymiyya, Majmū⊂ fatāwā (Riyadh, 1382/1962–1963), vol. 16, p. 80.Google Scholar
82 See Cameron, , “The Exposure of Children and Greek Ethics,” p. 105;Google ScholarWrigley, , Population and History, p. 126.Google Scholar
83 See n. 67.
84 Pollock, L., Forgotten Children: Parent-Child Relations from 1500 to 1900 (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 49–50.Google Scholar
85 Giladi, , “Concepts of Childhood and Attitudes towards Children in Medieval Islam,” pp. 142–50.Google Scholar