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REMEMBERING ZINGAL: STATE, CITIZENS, AND FORESTS IN TURKEY

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 September 2018

Hande Özkan
Hande Özkan*
Affiliation:
Hande Özkan is an Assistant Professor in the Sociology/Anthropology Program, Transylvania University, Lexington, Ken.; e-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article analyzes Turkish forestry as a site of nation building. To understand the ways in which forestry shaped ideas of the state and citizenship, I explore the history and memories of the forestry enterprise, Zingal, from the early 20th century to the present. I argue that the conflicting narratives around Zingal in archives and memory are symptoms of the contradictions inherent to nationalist modernity. I also reveal the continuation of similar contradictions in the 21st century by showing how citizens’ discourse of resentment over deindustrialization can coexist with their objection to a potential nuclear industry.

Keywords

citizenshipforestrymodernitynationalismthe stateTurkey
Type
Article
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 50 , Special Issue 3: Environment and Society in the Middle East and North Africa , August 2018 , pp. 493 - 511
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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References

NOTES

Author's note: Special thanks to Samuel Liebhaber, Robert Greeley, Chris Gratien, and Graham Pitts from the “Working Papers on the Environment and Society in the Middle East” workshop at Middlebury College, as well as Jamie Vescio, Brian Rich, Christopher Zollo, Fulya Özkan, Ayşegül Okan, and the peer reviewers. This research was funded in part by the MacMillan Center at Yale University and the Jones Grant at Transylvania University.

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39 Two of these were inherited from the Ottoman state.

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42 The twenty-five-year contract granted to the company was ratified in the National Assembly in 1924 (Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 030.0.18.01.01.019.35.13.001). It was tasked with forming a new company half of whose capital and board members would be Turkish, and with building a match factory in Sinop that would use domestic wood from Zindan and Çangal forests (Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 30.18.1.1.17.84.2). S.A. Usines Allumtière de Flandres started operating in 1925, but it was short-lived. While some blame its fall on the location chosen for the factory, economic rivalry between the Match Monopoly and the Swedish Match Company, which eventually led to the transfer of the match industry to the Turkish state (1946), was the more likely culprit. Founded in 1927 by Ivar Kreuger (known as the father of financial scams), the Swedish Match Company was the world's biggest match producer. As the competition escalated, Kreuger bought some of the Belgians’ share in the Turkish Match Monopoly (Tekeli and İlkin, Para ve Kredi Sisteminin Oluşumunda Bir Asama [Ankara: Türkiye Cumhuriyet Merkez Bankası, 1981]). When he decided to buy the rest in 1928, the government annulled the contract, arguing that the requirements of the 1925 contract had not been met. In 1930, after a legal battle, the Swedish Match Company, renamed as the American-Turkish Investment, reacquired the monopoly (Patnoy, Frank, The Match King: Ivar Kreuger, The Financial Genius Behind a Century of Wall Street Scandals [New York: Public Affairs, 2009])Google Scholar. With Kreuger's death and the Swedish Company's bankruptcy in 1946, the state took over match production.

43 İş Bankası, Turkey's first national public bank, opened in 1924 under the guidance of Atatürk, who, like other politicians, held shares in the bank. It has close ties to Turkey's founding Republican People's Party and was instrumental in the creation of a national economy through a wide range of investments.

44 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 030.0.18.01.01.019.35.13.001.

45 İbrahim Kutlutan, “Zingal Ormanlarında ve Kereste Fabrikasında Tetkikler,” Orman ve Av 11–12 (1938): 240–73.

46 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 030.0.010.000.000.183.264.9.

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50 Kutlutan, “Zingal Ormanlarında ve Kereste Fabrikasında Tetkikler.”

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56 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 030.18.1.2.110.22.9.

57 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 030.18.01.02.114.50.2.

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59 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 30.0.011.001.000.248.38.18 and 30.18.01.114.50.2.

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63 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 30.10.171.187.8.

64 See the journal Verim, 5 August 1935.

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66 Amca, Turkish for “uncle,” is also used as a respectful way to address older men.

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69 While the Persian word gāvur refers in its original sense to those who do not adhere to a monotheistic religion, in the Ottoman and Turkish context it has been used as a slur to define non-Muslim and non-Turkish groups. It is obvious that in my informant's usage the term also connotes modernity—thus, the reference to “Muslim infidels.”

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82 Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Document 30.10.0.0.183.264.9.

83 The rapid growth of state forestry enterprises between 1938 and 1940 was followed by a lag due to the war. By 1943 one-third of forests were managed by twenty-one state forest enterprises and later an additional eighteen were established. Thirteen new enterprises opened in December 1943. “Devlet Orman İşletmelerinde Altı Yeni Revir Açıldı,” Ziraat Dergisi 38 (1943): 45–46; “Devlet Orman İşletmeleri,” Ormancı Postası, 29 October 1943; “Devlet Orman İşletmelerinde Yeniden On Üç Revir Açıldı,” Ormancı Postası, 15 December 1943; “Devlet Orman İşletmelerinde Altı Yeni Revir Açıldı,” Ziraat Dergisi 38 (1943): 45–46; “Zingal Şirketine El Kondu,” Ziraat Dergisi 68 (1946).

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