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The Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1517) and the Beginning of the Sixteenth-Century World War

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Andrew C. Hess
Andrew C. Hess
Affiliation:
Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
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Extract

Throughout the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries major changes in the relations between great states once again highlighted the importance of a land whose history marks all ages — Egypt. Students of Western naval explorations are familiar with the significant place of Egypt in the imperial plans of the Portuguese during their expansion into the Indian Ocean after 1488. But while the Portuguese attempt to control the Red Sea and Persian Gulf trading routes brought Egyptian history solidly within the periphery of European scholarly interest, the almost simultaneous conquest of the Mamluk empire by the Ottomans (1517) makes no such impact on the historiography of the Western world. Yet the seizure of Syria, Egypt, and Arabia not only catapulted the Ottomans into a position of leadership within the vast Muslim community, but it also gave the Istanbul regime resources sufficient to project its power north to the gates of Vienna and west to the Strait of Gibraltar. Could this ‘distant’ conquest have played a more active role in the history of Europe than hitherto imagined? Clearly the answer to this question involves a comparison between the imperial histories of Europe and the Middle East during the age of the Renaissance. Once the first steps are taken to break the artificial historical divisions preventing such a comparison, there is little doubt that Selim the Grim's victory over the Mamluk empire was a major event in both European and Middle Eastern history.

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International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 4 , Issue 1 , January 1973 , pp. 55 - 76
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1973

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References

page 55 note 1 Western authors who recognize the importance of the Ottoman conquest of Egypt are Braudel, Fernand, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II, 2nd ed. (2 vols., Paris, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 16–18;Google Scholar and de Magalhāes Godinho, Vitorino, ‘A viragem mundial de 1517–1524 eo o império português’, in Ensaios Sobre História de Portugal (2 vols., Lisbon, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 141–53. The arguments contained herein owe much to the scholarly exchange that took place at the University of Washington conference on ‘Islam in the Later Middle Ages’, 19–21 June 1970.Google Scholar

page 56 note 1 The best expression of this point of view is in Toynbee, Arnold J., Civilization on Trial (New York, 1948), pp. 62–96.Google Scholar

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page 66 note 1 Hess, ‘The Ottoman Seaborne Empire’, pp. 1904–6. The development of Ottoman sea-power makes an impact on histories from Venice to Persia.Google ScholarSanuto, Marino, I Diarii, ed. Barozzi, Nicolo et al. (58 vols., Venice, 1879–1903), vol. 1, cols. 398–9, 323; vol. 2, cols. 568–70; vol. 3, cols. 1348–9; and Hasan-i Rûmlû, Ahsan, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

page 66 note 2 Khalfah, Haji, The History of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, trans. Mitchell, James (London, 1831), pp. 19–24, observes how Bâyezid's naval victories allowed Selim the Grim to punish the ‘Persians’ and annex Syria and Egypt.Google Scholar For further references to European and Ottoman sources see Fisher, Sidney Nettleton, The Foreign Relations of Turkey 1481–1512 (Urbana, Ill., 1948), pp. 54–89; and Tansel, Bâyezit, pp. 176–225.Google Scholar

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page 66 note 4 For this part of South Arabian naval history see Sergeant, Robert B., The Portuguese off the South Arabian Coast (Oxford, 1963), pp. 41–51;Google ScholarSchuman, L. O., Political History of the Yemen at the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (Amsterdam, 1961), p. 9.Google Scholar

page 66 note 5 Portuguese sources are abundant. de Góis, Damiao, Crónica do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel (4 vols., Coimbra, 1949–1954), vol. 2, pp. 85–91, 132–7, chronicles the two battles.Google Scholar

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page 68 note 2 The crucial role of Idrîs Bidlîsî on the eastern frontier is clear in al-Dîn, Sa'd, Tâc, vol. 2, pp. 321–3.Google Scholar For his Ak Koyunlu background see al-Bidlîsî, Sharaf Khân, Sharaf Nâmeh, ed. 'Abbâsî, Muhammad (Tehrân, 1333/1914–1915), p. 448.Google Scholar On the fall of Mardin and its role in the history of the Ottoman invasion of Mamluk territories see Göyünç, Nejat, XVI Yüzyilda Mardin Sancaği (Istanbul, 1969), pp. 15–34.Google Scholar

page 68 note 3 Tansel, Selim, pp. 101–7.Google Scholar

page 69 note 1 Ibid. p. 193; and Ayalon, David, Gunpowder and Firearms in the Mamluk Kingdom (London, 1956), on the whole question of military technology.Google Scholar

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page 69 note 3 Tansel, Bâyezit, pp. 93–100, summarizes the reasons for Mamluk–Ottoman hostility up to the accession of Selim the Grim in 1512.Google ScholarIyâs, Ibn, Histoire de Mamlouks Circassiens 872–906, trans. Wiet, Gaston (2 vols., Cairo, 1945), vol. 2, pp. 201–11, 234–5, 240–8, 265, 280, 302–3, 357, documents the rise of Mamluk hostility toward the Ottomans.Google ScholarUzunçarşili, I. H., ‘Memlûk Sultanlari yanina iltica etmiş olan Osmanli Hanedanina mensup Şehzadeler’, Belletin, vol. 17/68 (10. 1953), pp. 519–35, underlines the use of Egypt by Ottoman political refugees. Information on the Ottoman relations with India as a cause of tension is in Gelibûlîlî Mustafa ‘Âlî, ‘Künh-ul ahbâr’, Istanbul Univ. Library TY 5959, IV, fo. 140a ‘Aşikpaşzâde, pp. 200–34, has a long section on the reasons for Ottoman-Mamluk enmity in which the question of imperial titles is a main issue. For an analysis of that question see Haul Inalcik, ‘Padişah’, IA, IX, pp. 491–5.Google Scholar

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page 75 note 1 Hamilton, E. J., American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 32–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar, provides the economic data; Elliot, , Imperial Spain, pp. 179–204, 281–316Google Scholar, relates the financial condition of Spain to imperial adventures. Parker, Geoffrey, ‘Spain, Her Enemies and the Netherlands, 1559–1648’, Past and Present, no. 49 (11, 1970), pp. 72–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, describes the economic consequences of northern frontier warfare for Spanish policy in the Mediterranean. On the Ottoman side see Shaw, Financial, pp. 283–5, and Sanuto, vol. 61, cols. 534–5.

page 75 note 2 Godinho, , L'Économie, pp. 573–4, 630–1, 713–834;Google Scholar and Parry, V. J., ‘The Economy of Expanding Europe in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe (4 vols. to date, London, 1966– ), vol. 4, pp. 155–200.Google ScholarBoxer, C. R., ‘A Note on Portuguese Reactions to the Revival of the Red Sea Spice Trade and the Rise of Acheh, 1540–1600’, JSEAH, vol. 10/3 (12. 1969), pp. 415–28, shows how Ottoman economic activities reached out as far as Indonesia.Google Scholar

page 75 note 3 Ettinghausen, Richard, Turkish Miniatures (New York, 1965), pp. 5–24.Google Scholar

page 75 note 4 Morosini, Gianfrancesco, ‘Venetian Ambassador's Report on Spain, 1581’, in Pursuit of Power, ed. Davis, James C. (New York, 1970), p. 73.Google Scholar

page 76 note 1 For the reflection of the Turkish menace in early sixteenth-century German hymns see Moore, Sydney H., ‘The Turkish Menace in the Sixteenth Century’, The Modern Language Review, vol. 60 (1945), pp. 30–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar