Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gxg78 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T19:38:26.531Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Morocco: Anatomy of A Palace Revolution that Failed

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Frank H. Braun
Frank H. Braun
Affiliation:
Frankfurt A. M., Germany
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The process of modernization in Morocco is dramatically symptomized by the decline of traditional authority. Postindependence politics have been in a state of permanent crisis, and the monarchy could only survive as any other political alternative promised imminent chaos. The abortive military coup of Skhirat in July 1971 was only another link in the chain of events that have perpetuated internal crisis. The army's massive interference in national politics was, however, a novelty. It had the effect of greatly accelerating the latent process of disintegration of traditional society and politics.

Type
Articles
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 9 , Issue 1 , February 1978 , pp. 63 - 72
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1978

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For a summary of Morocco's clan constellations, see Marais, Octave, ‘La classe dirigeante au Maroc’, Revue Française de Science Politique, 14 (08. 1964), 711–712.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 The Moroccan army has only one Arab general, Driss Ben Oamar.

3 Waterbury, John, The Coup Manqué, American Universities Field Staff Reports, North Africa Series, 15, 1 (07 1971), 16.Google Scholar

4 The Times,4 03 1972, p. 13.Google Scholar

5 This figure is a rough estimation, based on Hurewitz, J. C., Middle East Politics: The Military Dimension (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 341.Google Scholar

6 For details on the FAR's military hardware, see H. Schaar, Stuart, The Arms Race and Defense Strategy in North Africa, American Universities Field Staff Reports, North Africa Series, 53, 9 (12. 1967), 3–15.Google Scholar

7 General Mohammed Ben Amar, commander of the military region 2 (Casablanca), was arrested for alleged implication in the putsch, but later released. General Mohammed Mezziane was temporarily placed under house arrest.

8 The degree of status insecurity among some of the senior officers is indicated by King Hassan's reference to General Medbouh as a ‘paranoid schizophrenic’. See Le Monde, 19 07 1971.Google Scholar

9 For a more detailed description of the corruption incidents, see Wterbury, , Coup Manqué, pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

10 Ibid., p. 3.

11 Zartman, I. William, Morocco: Problems of New Power (New York: Atherton Press, 1964), p. 107.Google Scholar

12 Hamon, Léo, ed., Le Role Extra-Militaire de L'Armée dans le Tiers-Monde (Paris:Presses Universitaires de France, 1966), p.40.Google Scholar

13 Ibid., p. 62.

14 Akhbar Ad-Dounia, 29 06 1962.Google Scholar

15 For more details on the FAR's civilian functions, see Hanning, Hugh, The Peaceful Use of Military Forces (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), pp. 141–143.Google Scholar

16 Schaar, , Arms Race, p. 17.Google Scholar

17 For details on the putsch officers' personal backgrounds, see l'Action, 14 July 1971.

18 Waterbury, , Coup Manqué, p. 18.Google Scholar

19 For details on the Ben Barka affair, see Schaar, Stuart, ‘L'Affair Ben Barka: The Kidnapping Casts Its Shadow’, Africa Report (03 1966).Google Scholar

20 The border settlement with Algeria included the understanding of Algerian support for Moroccan claims on Spanish territories. This may have contributed to General Mezziane's alienation from the king. Mezziane is a veteran of the Spanish civil war and was a close friend of General Franco.

21 For the earlier history of the GLS, see Zartman, , Morocco: Problems, pp. 109–110.Google Scholar

22 Hurewitz, , Middle East Politics, p. 344.Google Scholar

23 General Oufkir's ambiguous role is indicated by the fact that his closest collaborator in the Ministry of the Interior, Allem, was also a cousin of one of the putsch leaders, Colonel Chelouati. Moreover, the putschists made no effort to take over strongholds of Oufkir's personal power, in particular the National Security Police headquarters and the regional headquarters of the Auxiliary Forces. See also comments in Le Monde, 16 07 1971,Google Scholar and Waterbury, , Coup Manqué, p. 32.Google Scholar

24 General Bouhali was still negotiating with Ababouh at a time when there was no possible chance for a reconciliation with the king. Bouhali was killed after shooting Ababouh in a personal confrontation.

25 Le Monde, 37 07 1971.Google Scholar

26 For the AOL's role in the immediate postindependence period, see Zartman, ,Morocco: Problems, pp. 69–75.Google Scholar

27 For Manouzi's personal connections, see Waterbury, , Coup Manqué, p. 5.Google Scholar

28 General Oufkir in unison with General Driss had attempted to transform the Program of National Advancement, launched in 1967, into an instrument of rural mobilization under the auspices of the Ministry of the Interior. See Schaar, , Arms Race, p.21.Google Scholar

29 For the role of the Ministry of the Interior in training local administrators, see Rousset, Michel, ‘Le Role du Ministére de l'Interieur et sa place au sein de l'administration marocaine’, Annuaire de I'Afrique du Nord, 7 (1968), 91–106.Google Scholar

30 In his press conference on 13 July, General Oufkir stated that he considered Abadouh rather than Medbouh the real leader of the putsch. See Le Monde, 15 07 1971.Google Scholar