Language, History, and Arab National Consciousness in the Thought of Jurjî Zaidân (1861–1914)

Thomas Philipp

doi:10.1017/S0020743800027240

Language, History, and Arab National Consciousness in the Thought of Jurjî Zaidân (1861–1914)

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009

Thomas Philipp

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Thomas Philipp: Affiliation:
University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, Illinois

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The writings of Jurjî Zaidân constitute an important contribution to the secular intellectual awakening of the Arabs in the nineteenth century. The trend toward non-traditional thought had been initiated by the confrontation with the overpowering Western civilization, which threatened the established socio-political order and questioned the validity of the traditional identity and cultural values. To an increasing degree intellectual discussion in the Arab World — as in many other parts of the world — concentrated upon the concept of nationalism. It is in this context that we shall have to discuss the thought of Jurjî Zaidân. Nationalism appeared to be the most efficient means to establish an identity that could resist the Western impact:

The Middle East was overwhelmed by Europe; self-affirmation in nationalistic terms was part of its defense. Backwardness could be overcome by assimilation, but assimilation would obliterate identity. Nationalism would provide the incentive to progress and at the same time a barrier to self-obliteration.

Type: Articles
Information: International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 4 , Issue 1 , January 1973 , pp. 3 - 22

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743800027240 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1973

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^{page 3 note 1} Grunebaum, G. E. von, ‘Nationalism and Cultural Trends in the Arab Near East’, Studia Islamica, vol. 14 (1961), p. 135.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 2} Kedourie, Elie, Nationalism (London, 1960), p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 1} As Kedourie points out, nationalism suited properly the European and in particular the West European circumstances, where absolutist centralism and an enlightened juridical system — implying equality before the law — had grown and united areas and populations in such a way as to provide the doctrine of nationalism with its best examples. In German-speaking areas where no unified political power existed, where French used to be the language of the educated, and where people felt a loyalty toward a province or a dynasty rather than toward an all-embracing German entity, a basis upon which the doctrine of nationalism could rest had to be created: the characteristics which would give meaning to the concept of a German nation first had to be established.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 2} Zeine, Z. N., The Emergence of Arab Nationalism (Beirut, 1966), p. 149.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 1} Haim, S., Arab Nationalism (Los Angeles, 1964), pp. 19, 21, 27.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 1} Quoted from Haim, S., op. cit. pp. 78–9.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 2} Hourani, A., Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (London, 1962), p. 278.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} Cf. Wendell, C., Ahmad Lutfi as-Sayyid and the Concept of an Egyptian Nation, Doctoral Dissertation, UCLA, Los Angeles, 1967Google Scholar, for the concept umma in. Lutfi as Sayyid's thought; cf. also Zolondek, L., ‘Ash-Sha'b in Arabic Political Literature of the 19th Century’, Welt des Islam, vol. 10 (1965), no. 1–2, pp. 1–17;Google ScholarSteppat, F., ‘Nationalismus und Islam bei Mustafa Kamel’, Welt des Islam, vol. 4 (1959), no. 4, p. 256, comes to negative results, as far as Mustafa Kamil is concerned: ‘überall sonst verwendet er umma, ša'b und dazu gelegentlich noch qaum als austauschbare synonyma, die er abwechselnd als “peuple” und “national” übersetzt.’Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 2} Zaidân, J., Ta'rîkhat-tamaddun al-islâmî, Cairo, 1958, vol. 3, p. 51.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 3} al-Hilâl, vol. 10, p. 279.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 4} Ibid vol. 7, p. 9.

^{page 8 note 5} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 405.

^{page 8 note 6} Ibid.vol. 7, p. 11.

^{page 9 note 1} It seems, however, that the term was first used in Turkish. In Handjieri's Turkish-French dictionary, 1841, ‘vatan’ is translated by ‘patrie’, cf. Lewis, B., Emergence of Modern Turkey (London, 1961), p. 329.Google ScholarMardin, S., Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, 1962), p. 326, claims that the term ‘vatan’ had already been established in its modem meaning in Turkish in the early nineteenth century.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 2} al-Hilâi, vol. 5, p. 42.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 3} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 13.

^{page 9 note 4} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 393.

^{page 10 note 1} Ibid. vol. 3, p. 504.

^{page 10 note 2} Ibid. vol. 13, p. 17.

^{page 10 note 3} Ibid. vol. 1, p. 46; vol. 22, p. 403.

^{page 10 note 4} Ibid. vol. 9, p. 98.

^{page 11 note 1} Ibid. vol. 12, p. 537.

^{page 11 note 2} Zaidân, J., MS, Misr al-‘uthmânîya, 1911, Cairo University, MS no. 75/841, pp. 4ff.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 3} al-Hilâi, vol. 22, p. 403.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 4} Kratchkovsky, I., Avec les manuscrits arabes (Algiers, 1954), p. 19.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 5} al-Hilâl, vol. 13, p. 14.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 1} Ibid. vol. 1, p. 275; vol. 13, p. 14.

^{page 12 note 2} Ibid. vol. 17, p. 425.

^{page 12 note 3} Ibid. vol. 13, p. 19.

^{page 12 note 4} Ibid vol. 12, p. 14; Ta'rîkh at-tamaddun al-islâmî, vol. 3, p. 14.

^{page 12 note 5} Ibid. vol. 21, p. 273.

^{page 12 note 6} Ibid. vol. 14, p. 15; vol. 13, p. 349.

^{page 13 note 1} Ibid. vol. 13, p. 351.

^{page 13 note 2} Cf. Steppat, F., op. cit. p. 358.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 3} al-Hilâl, vol. 1, p. 123.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 4} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 131.

^{page 14 note 1} Ibid. vol. 21, pp. 259 ff.

^{page 14 note 2} Zaidân, J., Tâ'rîkhh misr al-hadîth (Cairo, 1911), p. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 3} Zaidân, J., al-'Arab qabla’l-islâm (Cairo, n.d.), p. 38.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 4} Haim, S., op. cit. pp. 45–7.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 5} al-Hilâl, vol. xv, p. 393; vol. 21, p. 454.

^{page 15 note 1} Ibid vol. 21, p. 451.

^{page 15 note 2} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 396.

^{page 15 note 3} Zaidân, J., al-Lugha al-‘arabîya, ka'în haii (Cairo, 196?), p. 23, and Tâ'rîkh adab al-lugha al-'arabîya (Cairo, 196?), vol. 2, p. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 4} al-Hilâl, vol. 15, p. 405.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 5} Ibid. vol. 23, p. 603.

^{page 15 note 6} This is a good example for Zaidân's use of the term ahl ash-sharq, meaning essentially the Arabs.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 1} al-Hilâl, vol. 10, p. 279.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 2} Ibid. vol. 15, p. 131.

^{page 16 note 3} Ibid. vol. 1, p. 77; vol. 10, p. 279.

^{page 16 note 4} Ibid. vol. 15, pp. 405–6.

^{page 17 note 1} Smith, W. C., Islam in Modern History (Princeton, 1957), p. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 2} al-Manâr, vol. 15, pp. 58 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 1} an-Nu'mânî, S. (ed.), Kitâb intiqâd kitâb ta'rîkh at-tamaddun al-islâmî (Cairo, 1912), introduction, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 1} Tâ'rîkh at-tamaddun al-islâmî, vol. 2, p. 37; vol. 4, p. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 2} Ibid. vol. 4, p. 31.

^{page 20 note 1} Cf. p. 15, note 4 above.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 2} al-Hilâl, vol. 7, p. 591; vol. 1, p. 310.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 1} Ibid. vol. 14, pp. 400–1; cf. also vol. 19, pp. 227 ff.

^{page 21 note 2} al-'Arab qabla'l-islâm, p. 64.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 3} On another occasion he even claims the Book of Job as a piece of Arabic literature (vol. 19, p. 227).Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 4} al-'Arab qabla'1-islacirc;m, p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 5} Tâ'rîkh adab al-lugha al-'arabîya, vol. 4, p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 1} Ibid. vol. 4, p. 14; vol. 5, p. 527.

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Language, History, and Arab National Consciousness in the Thought of Jurjî Zaidân (1861–1914)

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