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APPROPRIATING THE MASSES: FOLKLORE STUDIES, ETHNOGRAPHY, AND INTERWAR IRANIAN NATIONALISM

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 July 2012

Abstract

This paper traces the emergence of folklore studies and ethnography in interwar Iran. It argues that these disciplines were part of larger nationalist projects of representing and speaking for the “masses.” The first part of the paper explores how and why a number of Iranian intellectuals engaged in folklore studies after a period of prolonged political activism in the first few decades of the 20th century. The second part of the paper examines cultural institutions established by the state, mainly in the late 1930s, in an attempt to appropriate and institutionalize folklore studies and ethnography for the purposes of nation building. These efforts were fraught with ambivalences because the “masses” were simultaneously praised as repositories of “authenticity” and looked down upon as a potential source of “backwardness.”

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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References

NOTES

Author's note: I thank Beth Baron, Aomar Boum, Devika Bordia, Houchang Chehabi, Aslı Iğsız, Sara Pursley, and three anonymous reviewers for making helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.

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36 Amini, Si Afsanah az Afsanahha-yi Mahalli-yi Isfahan, hah.

37 Ibid., vav.

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45 Ibid., 27–28.

46 Hidayat cites the work of the American missionary Bess Allen Donaldson as an example of such polemical scholarship. Hidayat, Farhang-i ʿAmiyanah-i Mardum-i Iran, 240; Bess Allen Donaldson, The Wild Rue: A Story of Muhammadan Magic and Folklore in Iran (London: Luzac & Co., 1938).

47 The one exception to this appears to have been a short film made in 1925 on Takiyah Dawlat, a Qajar amphitheater used for taʿzīyah performances in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Jamshid Malekpour, The Islamic Drama (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 144.

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59 Shafaq, Mubarazah ba Khurafat, 11–13. Shafaq later gave the example of Rustam and Isfandiyar as significant figures in Iranian national myth but condemned these legends when they paraded as history. Ibid., 66–67.

60 Ibid., 70, 73, 76–77.

61 Ibid., 4, 22, 65.

62 Ibid., 53, 65.

63 Ibid., 23, 55, 58.

64 Ibid., 88.

65 Smith, “Introduction,” 9.

66 Shafaq, Mubarazah ba Khurafat, 85, 87.

67 Ibid., 79–82.

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70 Ibid., 12.

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76 Ibid., 10–13.

77 Ibid., 17–29. Muhtadi-Subhi includes references to Iranian provincial variants of stories throughout his text. See Ibid., 73, 84, 90, 98–100, 104–105, 123, 132.

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81 This need for external validation of Iranian cultural prestige by international arbiters was also evident in the 1934 Firdawsi Millenary celebration, to which many foreign scholars were invited. Marashi, Afshin, “The Nation's Poet: Ferdowsi and the Iranian National Imagination,” in Iran in the 20th Century: Historiography and Political Culture, ed. Atabaki, Touraj (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2009), 93111Google Scholar.

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83 There are perhaps some telling parallels between the ways in which ethnography and literary appropriation were both used for different purposes by European imperialists and non-Western nationalists. For an examination of how literary texts such as A Thousand and One Nights and The Adventures of Hajji Baba Ispahan could be appropriated simultaneously for colonialist/Orientalist and nationalist/anticolonial purposes, see Rastegar, Kamran, Literary Modernity between Middle East and Europe: Textual Transactions in 19th-Century Arabic, English and Persian Literatures (London: Routledge, 2007), 56Google Scholar, 72, 128.

84 For a thorough discussion of the Society for National Heritage in the early Pahlavi era, see Grigor, Talinn, “Recultivating ‘Good Taste’: The Early Pahlavi Modernists and Their Society for National Heritage,” Iranian Studies 37 (2004): 1745CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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88 Haqiq, Fazlullah, “ʿIlm-i Insanshinasi,” Taʿlim va Tarbiyat 7 (1937): 165–70Google Scholar. Haqiq also recounts a conversation he had with a Belgian scholar, Dr. Marne, who had studied many different peoples over a broad geographical area and had apparently noticed the influences of Iranian civilization on them. He expressed hope that in the near future Iran would establish serious ethnographic and anthropological studies and a museum, which would facilitate the study of these various regions. Ibid.

89 Ibid., 170.

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91 The equation of the “folk” with the ancient past was also evident in constructions of Greek nationalism that treated folklore “as a repository of verbal monuments.” See Herzfeld, Michael, Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece, 1st ed. (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1982), 30Google Scholar.

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94 Furughi was quick to point out that Darwinian evolution did not contradict a belief in God, perhaps anticipating potential criticisms of his evolutionary model of society. He categorized ethnography as a branch of biology on the grounds that humans are animals. He likewise outlined evolutionary models of human development. Furughi, Muhammad ʿAli, “Mardumshinasi Chist?,” Amuzish va Parvarish 8 (1938): 1012Google Scholar, 17.

95 Ibid., 19.

96 Struggling to articulate a definition of ethnography, Furughi argued that it was simultaneously the study of the “spirit and customs” of a people and the study of their “physical characteristics.” Ibid., 15–16.

97 Ibid., 20.

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101 Ibid., 45.

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104 Ibid., 41–42. For similarly romanticized representations of the Bedouin in Iraqi nationalism, see Bashkin, Orit, The Other Iraq: Pluralism and Culture in Hashemite Iraq (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009), 207–12Google Scholar.

105 Shawqi, Dasht-i Gurgan, 40.

106 Ibid., 40–41.

107 Ibid., 44. A strict dichotomy between the “here and now” of “civilization” and the “then and there” of “savage society” was a key assumption of European colonial anthropology. Fabian, Time and the Other, 26–27.

108 Shawqi, Dasht-i Gurgan, 44.

109 Ibid., 8–10, 12–13, 44–48.