Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
The events of Aleppo have caused amongst all classes of all nationalities a sensation such as I have never witnessed here before. The population of Aleppo is the wealthiest, best conducted community in Syria. That such a body of people in a time of profound peace, living under the protection of an organized government of two pashas and a garrison of regular troops of all arms should find themselves, without the slightest provocation on their part, or a moment's warning, the victims of atrocities which are rarely practiced on a town taken by storm, is a consideration which has, I regret to say, produced a feeling most unfavorable to the responsible government.
1 Public Record Office, London, Foreign Office (FO) 226/107.
2 The highest figure given for Christians murdered was 18, reported by Consul Werry in a letter to Rose, (Beirut), 2 11 1850, FO 226/107. Bishop Bulus Arutin recorded that 7 people died during the rioting itself and 300 were wounded. Of those, 70 later died.Google ScholarBūlus, Qara⊃lī, Ahamm Hawādith Halab (Cairo, n.d.), p. 85.Google Scholar
3 The standard work on the politics of the notables is Albert, Hourani's “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” in William, Polk and Richard, Chambers, eds., Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East (Chicago, 1968), pp. 41–68.Google Scholar See also Halil, Inalcik, “Centralization and Decentralization in Ottoman Administration,” in Thomas, Naff and Roger, Owen, eds., Studies in Eighteenth-Century Islamic History (Carbondale, Ill., 1977), pp. 27–52.Google Scholar
4 There are two contemporary Christian accounts of the Events: one attributed to the Maronite Bishop Bulus Arutin and contained in Būlus Qara⊃lī's Ahamm Hawādith Halab, the other a diary of a Syrian Catholic schoolteacher, Na⊂⊂ūm, Bakhkhāsh, Akhbār Halab, ed. Fr, Yūsuf Qūshāqjī, 2 vols. (Aleppo, 1985–1987).Google Scholar Two English accounts have also been preserved: the letters of Consul Werry in the British Foreign Office Archives and the description by Edward, Barker, the honorary consul in Antioch, in Syria and Egypt under the Last Five Sultans of Turkey (London, 1876; reprinted, New York, 1973).Google Scholar In addition, the Events of Aleppo have been discussed extensively by Moshe, Ma⊂oz in his “Syrian Urban Politics in the Tanzimat Period between 1840 and 1861,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 29, 2 (1966). 277–301;Google ScholarOttoman Reform in Syria and Palestine 1840–1861 (Oxford, 1968), pp. 101–7. They are also covered in the two traditionally written chronicles of Aleppo published in the 1920s: Kāmil, al-Ghazzī, Nahr al-dhahab fī ta⊃rīkh Halab, 3 vols. (Aleppo, 1923–1926);Google ScholarMuhammad, Rāghib al-Tabbākh, l⊂lām al-nubalā⊃ bi-ta⊃rīkh Halab al-shahbā⊃, 7 vols. (Aleppo, 1923–1926).Google Scholar
5 Huri, İslamoğlu-İnan, “Introduction: ‘Oriental Despotism’,” in Huri, İslamoğlu-İnan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and she World Economy (Cambridge, 1987), p. 22;Google Scholar also in the same volume, Ilkay, Sunar, “State and Economy in the Ottoman Empire,” pp. 63–87;Google ScholarImmanuel, Wallerstein, Hale, Decdeli, and Resat, Kasaba, “The Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire into the World Economy,” pp. 88–97;Google Scholar finally see Faruk, Tabak, “Local Merchants in Peripheral Areas of the Empire: The Fertile Crescent during the Long Nineteenth Century,” Review, 9,2 (1988), 179–214.Google Scholar
6 Both English sources give ⊂Abdallah's family name as Babulsee, and that is the form favored by Ma⊂oz who spells it Babilsi. The contemporary Turkish and Arabic sources, however, give the name as Babinsi. This is more likely as there is a village Babnis to the north of the city of Aleppo, and it is from there that ⊂Abdallah or his ancestors most probably came. The discrepancy in the English versions of his name, no doubt, are a result of the Aleppo dialect, which often reduces the written letter n in the Arabic alphabet to the spoken sound / as in Armalī for Armanī (Armenian) and ⊂usmālī for ⊂uthmānī (Ottoman).
7 FO 861/2, Werry, to Canning, , 19 10 1850.Google Scholar
8 Bruce, Masters, “Patterns of Migration to Ottoman Aleppo in the 17th and 18th Centuries,” international Journal of Turkish Studies, 4, 1 (1987), 84–85.Google Scholar For a discussion of the janissary and ashraf factional politics in the city see Herbert, Bodman, Political Factions in Aleppo, 1760–1826 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1963).Google Scholar
9 Qara⊃lī, , p. 64.Google Scholar
10 According to al-Tabbākh, the mob chanted to Abdallah “We don't want the vergi tax and we won't give any soldiers,” to which he replied, “You know your own work.” They then said, “We are going to plunder the government barracks and the Christians,” to which he again replied, “You know your own work.” The implication from this was that he had sanctioned the mob's action by saying that they knew best what to do; al-Tabbākh, , vol. 3, p. 439.Google Scholar
11 Qara⊃li, , pp. 81–82;Google Scholaral-Ghazzī, , vol. 3, p. 375.Google Scholar
12 Qara⊃lī, , p. 85;Google Scholaral-Ghazzī, , vol. 3, p. 375.Google Scholar In some cases, Muslims were paid to protect the Christians. FO 861/2, Werry, to Canning, , 19 10 1850.Google Scholar
13 FO 226/107, Werry, to Rose, , 24 10 1850.Google Scholar
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18 Consul Werry reported that 1,000 were reputed to have been killed in the fighting and 500 wounded but he cautioned that the numbers were inflated. FO 226/107, to Consul, Rose, 6 11 1850. Volume 258 of the Aleppo Court Records, National Archives, Damascus (henceforth Aleppo Court), is an estates registry for Aleppines who died in the years 1849–1851 and contains the estates of four officers who are identified as having been killed in this operation (entries numbered 233, 234, 242, 390), but this is the only Ottoman source I have found for the casualties incurred in the fighting.Google Scholar
19 FO 26/107, Werry, to Rose, , 6 11 1850.Google Scholar
20 FO 86/2, Werry, to Canning, , 14 12 1850.Google Scholar
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22 Ibid., pp. 25, 42, 66, 77, 123.
23 On concepts of privacy in Aleppo, see Abraham, Marcus, “Privacy in Eighteenth-Century Aleppo: The Limits of Cultural Ideas,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 18,2 (1986), 165–84.Google Scholar
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