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Remaking the Image: Promotional Literature of Mount Holyoke, Smith, and Wellesley Colleges in the mid-to-late 1940s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Extract

A large number of social, demographic, and other factors converged in the mid-to-late 1940s to place women's colleges in the United States in an awkward, if not precarious, position. The dominant cultural conditions and values of this early “post-feminist” era were at odds with many of the core values and traditions of such long-established and respected institutions as Mount Holyoke, Smith, and Wellesley Colleges. Since their respective foundings in 1837, 1875, and 1875, these colleges have been variously characterized as pioneers in women's education, unique communities of women nurturing women and women's scholarship, dangerous centers of feminist and other radical ideas, anachronistic holdovers from a bygone era, endangered institutions marking time until they become co-educational, and leaders in feminist scholarship. Choosing not to follow the example of Vassar, which opened its doors to men in 1968, these colleges and a few others like them survived the difficult years when the “Ivy League” colleges first admitted women. Today there is not much question about their reputation or permanence, yet in the post-World War II era their future was not as secure.

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Copyright © 2000 by the History of Education Society 

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References

1 Palmieri, Patricia Ann In Adamless Eden: The Community of Women Faculty at Wellesley (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995); Horowitz, Helen Lefkowitz Alma Mater: Design and Experience in the Women's Colleges from Their Nineteenth-Century Beginnings to the 1930s (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984); and Freedman, Estelle “Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870–1930,” Feminist Studies 5 (1979): 512–529. Horowitz has examined the manner in which these colleges adapted to some of the concerns about women's colleges in earlier decades, but her study generally ends before the 1940s when the feminist backlash intensified. One exception is Margaret Rossiter who, in her examination of American scientists at women's colleges, speaks of the years between 1945 and 1968 as the “golden age” of women's colleges. Rossiter's supporting evidence, however, is nearly all from the period 1950–1968. Furthermore, she characterizes the years between 1945 and 1968 as ones of “overwhelming antifeminism” and notes that in the late 1940s “even groups that had been supportive of academic and professional women had been so undermined from within and intimidated from without that they were unable or unwilling to speak out forcefully.” Rossiter, Margaret W. Women Scientists in America: Before Affirmative Action 1940–1972 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 38, 27.Google Scholar

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43 E.g. “American Woman's Dilemma,” Life, 16 June 1947, 101–116. For a fuller discussion, see Hartmann, The Home Front, chapter 10. Margaret Mead's view that humans are “exceedingly plastic” and that gender roles are (as we say today) socially constructed, was not widely held in the 1940s. Her suggestion that women be given choices—including sharing jointly the responsibilities of parenthood with husbands—clearly did not represent the majority view. Mead, MargaretWhat Women Want,Fortune, December 1946, 218. Elsewhere Mead argues that the popular ideal of motherhood is not “an attempt to reproduce the past” but rather a “dream of the future.” Margaret Mead, Male and Female: A Study of the Sexes in a Changing World (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1949), 255.Google Scholar

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77 Mount Holyoke—everybody's college, n.p. In 1947, for example, the Houston Post in the article “What Can We Do About Divorce?” featured a large photo of two beaming Mount Holyoke students with a group of pre-schoolers as they “study problems of rearing children. Training like this [declared the Post] makes for happier marriages.” “What Can We Do About Divorce,” Post, Parade section, 7 September 1947, 7.Google Scholar

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