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Education and Society in Modern Scotland: A Comparative Perspective
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
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The educational traditions of Scotland have always been distinct from those of England, and reputedly more democratic. Mass literacy was achieved at an early stage, the general character of the system was meritocratic, and the four universities were noted in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries for their vigor and their popular base. Yet the country has attracted little attention from the growing band of scholars studying the comparative social history of education. One exception is Hartmut Kaelble, who has used Scottish evidence in his studies of education and social mobility; but Scotland does not figure either in the recent collection of essays on higher education edited by Konrad Jarausch or in the most substantial work in this field, Fritz Ringer's Education and Society in Modern Europe. Ringer's book includes brief treatments of England and the United States, but it is essentially about higher and secondary education in France and Germany, and is notable for the mass of statistical data that it assembles and analyzes.
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1. Kaelble, Hartmut, Historical Research on Social Mobility: Western Europe and the USA in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London, 1981); Kaelble, Hartmut, “Educational Opportunities and Government Policies in Europe in the Period of Industrialization,” in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America , ed. Flora, Peter and Heidenheimer, Arnold J. (New Brunswick, N.J., 1981), 239–68; Jarausch, Konrad H., ed., The Transformation of Higher Learning, 1860–1930: Expansion, Diversification, Social Opening, and Professionalization in England, Germany, Russia, and the United States (Chicago, 1983); Ringer, Fritz K., Education and Society in Modern Europe (Bloomington, 1979).Google Scholar
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3. A third dimension, “segmentation,” is discussed below.Google Scholar
4. Anderson, Robert D., Education and Opportunity in Victorian Scotland: Schools and Universities (Oxford, 1983).Google Scholar
5. The term public school is used in the special English sense of socially exclusive boarding schools. On terminology, note also that “Great Britain” includes England, Wales, and Scotland. Wales went with England for most purposes but developed distinctive educational institutions in the late nineteenth century.Google Scholar
6. Whatever the ideal, class differentiation was in fact well advanced in urban areas by the mid-nineteenth century. Parish school legislation did not apply there, and most working-class schools gave a purely elementary education.Google Scholar
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31. No attempt has been made to relate enrollments to the economic cycle, but the relation appears to be a positive one.Google Scholar
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34. Anderson, , Education and Opportunity, 299–301 has data on ages. The changing age of entry, the wide age range, and the varying length of attendance make it impracticable to relate student numbers to a fixed age cohort, though Kaelble does this for ages 20–24 (Kaelble, , “Educational Opportunities,” 247). This notional calculation shows Scotland with the highest rate in Europe in 1861, the third highest in 1911. Note, however, that as the average length of attendance increased, the number of individuals experiencing university education at a given enrollment/population ratio declined.Google Scholar
35. Ringer, , Education and Society, 2–4, 18.Google Scholar
36. Kaelble, , “Educational Opportunities,” 240–4.Google Scholar
37. Ringer, , Education and Society, 2–3.Google Scholar
38. Anderson, , Education and Opportunity, 145.Google Scholar
39. The contrast between general and vocational education was distinct from that between classical and modern curricula, and arguably more significant; Ringer tends to conflate the two. It is also important not to identify “modern” demands purely with industry, for in terms of middle-class careers commerce and the public services were more important manifestations of economic modernization than industry itself.Google Scholar
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48. Wade, , Post-Primary Education, 213; Osborne, , Scottish and English Schools, 172.Google Scholar
49. Osborne, , Scottish and English Schools, 70. The realities of Scottish education are often hard to penetrate because of confusing terminology and because types of school and types of education did not necessarily correspond when attempts were made to apply a common pattern to a geographically diverse country. Specialization went furthest in the cities, but schools in small towns were often multifunctional; between the wars, schools that combined secondary and advanced division teaching came to be called “omnibus” schools.Google Scholar
50. The eventual outcome was a division between senior secondary (five-year) and junior secondary (three-year) schools.Google Scholar
51. Education (Scotland). Reports, &c. Issued in 1921–22, Section G, Circular 44, p. 3.Google Scholar
52. Wade, , Post-Primary Education, 110.Google Scholar
53. The post-1919 figures are for enrollments, the pre-1918 ones cited by Wade for average attendance. Scottish secondary enrollments given in Mitchell, B. R., European Historical Statistics 1750–1975 (London, 1975), 759, 768, show all post-primary pupils after 1919, but “higher class” schools only (including their primary departments) down to 1918; Mitchell therefore underestimates true secondary education before 1918 and overestimates it later. Pupils did not enter the advanced divisions automatically, but (as with the supplementary courses previously) only if they passed a “qualifying” examination. The rest stayed in the elementary classes until ready to leave.Google Scholar
54. Maillet, J. in Chevallier, Pierre, ed., La scolarisation en France depuis un siècle (Paris, 1974), 142, 145–56.Google Scholar
55. Figures for England and Wales are in Simon, Brian, The Politics of Educational Reform, 1920–1940 (London, 1974), 363. As before, one should remember that English statistics exclude the public schools. Sample figures from Ringer are 7.6 per thousand for France in 1936, 11.9 for Germany in 1931. See Ringer, , Education and Society, 272, 316.Google Scholar
56. Ringer, , Education and Society, 272, 316.Google Scholar
57. Ibid., 292, 335 and cf., 229–30. For other countries, see Barbagli, , Disoccupazione intellettuale, 216, and Ben-David, , “Growth of the Professions,” 464.Google Scholar
58. Ringer, , Education and Society, 52–4, 135–44.Google Scholar
59. See Gray, J., McPherson, A. F., and Raffe, D., Reconstructions of Secondary Education: Theory, Myth and Practice since the War (London, 1983). I am grateful to Mr. McPherson for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper.Google Scholar
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