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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 December 2024
The Occupation of Japan (1945-1952) sought to democratize the nation’s education system; pupil guidance was expected to play a key part of this process. American reformers promoted new guidance practices (e.g., the comprehensive collection of students’ personal data, guidance interventions based on the case-study method, an expanded homeroom curriculum) that emphasized the psychological adjustment—translated as tekio (適応)—of students to school and society in a new Japan. By tracing the evolution of prewar and postwar Japanese guidance discourse, this study examines how American pupil guidance’s emphasis on student adjustment interacted with, and transformed, twentieth-century Japanese education. Drawing from prewar, Occupation-era and post-independence sources, the essay explores three points. First, by comparing prewar life guidance with Occupation-era and post-independence pupil guidance, it emphasizes the important changes effected by tekio-oriented guidance during the late 1940s. Second, by examining the way these practices related to Occupation’s educational democratization, it explores how their psychological approach to democracy defined—and arguably constrained—the dynamism of this broader project. Lastly, the work discusses who supported and opposed this new tekio discourse. American authorities succeeded in garnering the support of many elites in Japanese education (e.g., Ministry of Education officials, leading academics), but other educators remained skeptical.
1 Norio, Mizutani “Chugakko no Kihonteki Seikaku,” in Atarashii Chugakko no Tebiki, ed. Kyoikukyoku, Monbusho Gakko (Tokyo: Meiji Tosho, 1949), Google Scholar. Unless otherwise indicated, Japanese translations are the author’s original translations for this article. Consistent with naming conventions, Japanese names from Japanese-language sources will be referenced with family names listed first.
2 The common prewar translation for the psychological concept of adjustment remained the conventional dictionary rendering of chosei (調整). The 1941 Japanese translation of P. M. Symonds’s Mental Hygiene of the School Child, for example, explicitly translated adjustment this way; tekio was used descriptively. Chosei, with its kanji characters of “prepare” and “arrange,” has more mechanical or organizational associations, whereas tekio, with its ideographs of “appropriate” and “response,” is usually translated as “adaptation” or “conformity.” The first translation of adjustment (or more accurately, maladjustment) for an educational context using the tekio wording appears to have been the April 1947 teacher-training textbook, Education Psychology: The Growth and Development of Humans, produced under SCAP supervision. Saimonzu, P. M., Jido Seishin Eiseigaku, trans. Minoru, Isobe (Tokyo: Kyoiku Tosho Kabushikigaisha, 1941), Google Scholar; Monbusho, Kyoiku Shinri (Jokan): Ningen no Seicho to Hattatsu (Tokyo: Dainippon Insatsu Kabushikagaisha, 1947), .Google Scholar
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6 Civil Information and Education Section (hereafter CIE), “Staff Study on Proposed Education Mission: December 27, 1945,” reprinted in Edward Beauchamp and James Vardaman, eds., Japanese Education since 1945: A Documentary Study (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), 73.
7 George D. Stoddard Papers, “Part II: On Preparing the Report,” as quoted by Gary Hoichi Tsuchimochi, Education Reform in Postwar Japan: The 1946 U.S. Education Mission (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1993), 61; Committee II, US Education Mission, “Teaching and the Education of Teachers in Japan,” reprinted in Tsuchimochi, Education Reform, 261.
8 Monbusho, Kyoiku Shinri (Jokan), 42–43; Monbusho, Kyoiku Shinri (Gekan), 295–99.
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14 Gary Tsuchimochi’s work on the US Education Mission to Japan paints a successful picture, emphasizing the sincere collaboration between Mission educators and their Japanese counterparts. Harry Wray, meanwhile, doubts Japanese society’s broader support for reforms, noting the large-scale rollback of Occupation policies post-independence. Between these views, A. J. Angulo notes both the successful aspects of Occupation’s reformist “goodwill,” and its later changes in the face of broader anti-communist concerns. See Tsuchimochi, Education Reform; Wray, Harry, “Change and Continuity in Modern Japanese Educational History: Allied Occupational Reforms Forty Years Later,” Comparative Educational Review 35, no. 3 Aug. 1991), CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Angulo, A. J., Empire and Education: A History of Greed and Goodwill from the War of 1898 to the War on Terror (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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18 See Hartman, Andrew, Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 55–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomas Fallace, “The (Anti-) Ideological Origins of Bernard Bailyn’s Education in the Forming of American Society,” History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 3 (Aug. 2018), 315–37; and Busch, David S., “Service Learning: The Peace Corps, American Higher Education, and the Limits of Modernist Ideas of Development and Citizenship,” History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 4 Nov. 2018), 475–505CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One trend that apparently did not cross the Pacific was the Charles Prosser-inspired, Life Adjustment Education movement. Occupation Japan’s adoption of adjustment-oriented guidance ideas notwithstanding, contemporary references to the Commission on Life Adjustment Education for Youth have so far eluded this researcher. For a skeptical appraisal of Life Adjustment Education’s historical impact on US education, see Wraga, William, “From Slogan to Anathema: Historical Representations of Life Adjustment Education,” American Journal of Education 116, no. 2 Feb. 2010), 185–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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22 Hajime Kimura, “Launch of the Schooling Society, 1930s to 1950s,” in The History of Education in Japan, 1600-2000, ed. Masashi Tsujimoto and Yoko Yamasaki (Oxford: Routledge, 2017), 94–96.
23 Waizumi Heisaku, “Kyoiku Kiroku: Jogakko no Seikatsu Sido no Isshaku—Shaga Seishin no Kessan,’” Kyoiku 5, no. 6 (June 1937), 879–80.
24 For more on Occupation officials’ antipathy towards prewar Japanese education, see Harry Wray, “Attitudes among Educational Division Staff during the Occupation of Japan,” Nanzan Review of American Studies 19, no. 2 (Fall 1997), 101–32.
25 Ose Jintaro, Shinsei Kominkan Kyohon: Jokan, 3rd ed., (Tokyo: Tokyo Kaiseikan, 1935), ii-iii, 86–90.
26 Ose, Shinsei, 12–24, 32–41, 51–57, 78–79.
27 Mizuno Tsunekichi, “Jo,” in Gasshu Tomiji, Shakai wo Kyoshitu to Suru Seikatsu Sido (Osaka: Seibunkan, 1930) 2–3; Gasshu, Shakai wo Kyoshitu, 147.
28 Saito Tamao, Kyoiku to Seishin Eisei (Sono 1): Jido Sido Jigyo ni tuite (Tokyo: Nihon Seishin Eisei Kyokai, 1931), 17, 3, 1.
29 Saito, Kyoiku to Seishin, 3–4, 7–8.
30 Yamamoto Toshiro, “Seikatsu Shido no Genryu,” in ed. Yamamoto et al., Atarashii Jidai, 28–29, 32–34.
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32 Yoichi Kiuchi, “Unrequited Love for Germany?: Paradigm and Ideology in Educational Research in Japan until 1945,” Educational Studies in Japan: International Yearbook 2 (Dec. 2007), 45–56.
33 H.-J. Hahn, Education and Society in Germany (Oxford: Berg, 1998), ii, 1-18; Teruhisa Horio, Educational Thought and Ideology in Modern Japan: State Authority and Intellectual Freedom, trans. Steven Platzer (Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1988), 87–105.
34 Ebihara Haruyoshi, Gendai Kyouiku Jissenshi (Gekan) (1975; repr., Tokyo: Emutei Shuppan, 1991), 572–78, 609–11; Yamamoto Masami, Nihon Kyouikushi: Kyoiku no “Ima” wo Rekishi kara Kangaeru (Tokyo: Keio University, 2014), 272.
35 For a view of German bildung emphasizing the concept’s diversity and dynamism, see Horlacher, Rebekka, The Educated Subject and the German Concept of Bildung: A Comparative Cultural History (London: Routledge, 2016).Google Scholar
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39 Tsurikata Seikatsu Dojin, “Sengen,” Tsuzurikata Seikatsu 2, no. 10 (Oct. 1930), 4.
40 Sasaki Ko, “Seikatsu-Sangyo-Kyoiku,” Seikatsu Gakko 4, no. 6 (June 1938), 13.
41 Kokubun Ichitaro, “Bundanteki Hihyo to Kyodanteki Hihyo” (Oct. 1936) as cited in Yokosuka Kaoru, “‘Gainen Kudaki’ no Rekishi to Mondai,” in Kotoba-Seikatsu-Kyoiku, ed. Akemodorunokai (Tokyo: Rukku, 1996), 39. For more on DLWM teachers’ practice of “concept smashing,” see, Yokosuka, “’Gainen Kudaki,’” 36–57.
42 Kokubun Ichitaro, “Seikatsu Benkyo - Noson Tsuzurikata,” in Tsuzurikata Seikatsu Sido no Soshikiteki Jissen, ed. Kinoshita Ryuji (Tokyo: Toen, 1935), 10, 30, 31–33.
43 Kawaji, “Kato Shushiro” 385–88.
44 Not all versions of DLWM were as radical as its northern-based strain. Nonetheless, the very activity of this region’s DLWM made it disproportionately influential among prewar teachers. Its leaders also became the movement’s dominant voices during the early postwar period.
45 Sasaki, “Seikatsu-Sangyo-Kyoiku,” 13.
46 Kita Nippon Kokugo Kyoiku Renmei, “Kita Nippon Kokugo Kyoiku Renmei: Sekkeizu;” Kyoiku Kita Nippon 1, no. 1 (Jan. 1935), 1.
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51 Monbusho, “Shin Nihon Kensetsu no Kihon Mondai,” Shin Kyoiku Shishi, Pamphlet no. 2 (June 1946), 39.
52 Monbusho, “Shin Nihon Kensetsu,” 34–35.
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59 Nishi, Unconditional Democracy, 252; Nakagawa Toshikuni, “Hawaado Beru to Hiroshima no Jidobunka: Senryogun to Jidobunkafukko ni Hiroshima no Mirai wo Takushita Hitobito,” Hiroshimashi Kobunshokan Kiyo, Special Internet Issue (Dec. 2015), 11.
60 Trainor, Education Reform, 425; Harold Hand and Verna Carley, “When Shall We Have a Sound Guidance Program in Secondary Schools?,” California Journal of Secondary Education 10 (May 1935), 359–65; Monbusho, “A Brief History of Institute for Educational Leadership in Japan, 1953,” reprinted in ed. Takahashi Kento, Senryoki Kyoiku Shidosha Koshu Kihon Shiryo Shusei, vol. 2, (Tokyo: Suzusawa Shoten, 1999), 41.
61 GHQ, Postwar Developments, vol. 1, 214–16.
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65 Traxler, Techniques, 13.
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67 Traxler, Techniques, 103–4, 105. Arthur Jones, by contrast, expressed more caution towards the use of personality testing in guidance, both for methodological and practical reasons. See Jones, Arthur, Principles of Guidance, 2nd ed. (New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1934), Google Scholar, 192.
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74 Okabe Yataro, “Kyoiku Shinri,” in Shinsei Chugakko Kyoiku Nooto: Kyoin Saikyoiku Kyogikai Shuroku, ed. Monbusho Chuto Kyoiku Kenkyukai (Tokyo: Gakko Tosho, 1948), 14; Monbusho, Chugakko Kotogakko no Seito Sido (Tokyo: Nihon Kyoiku Shinkokai, 1949), i, 14–17.
75 Monbusho, Minshushugi (Gekan) (Tokyo, Kyoiku Zushiki, 1949), 282, 287.
76 Monbusho, Minshushugi, 293, 295.
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78 Baba Shiro, “Shakaika no Rekishiteki Tii: Gasshukoku ni okeru Shakaika no Hatten” Seikatsu Gakko 3, no. 3 (April-May 1948), 11–12.
79 Nihon Shokugyo Sido Kyokai, Amerika no okeru Gaidansu to Kosei Chosa (Tokyo: Meiji Tosho, 1949), 9.
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89 Isaka, “Hyoron: Gaidansu to Atarashii Kyoiku: Gaidansu Kenkyu no Hassoku ni Atatte,” Gaidansu Kenkyu 1, no. 1 (Nov. 1948), 6.
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91 Isaka, Atarashii Kyoiku, 46-47.
92 Isaka, Atarashii Kyoiku, 141–42.
93 For example, see Yasumasa, Miki, “Tohoku-burokku Shogakko Kenkyu Shukai de no Gaidansu-han no Kenkyu,” Gaidansu Kenkyu 1, no. 1 Nov. 1948), 74–76Google Scholar; Miki, “Seishin Eisei no Kadai,” Jido Shinri (Dec. 1948), 3.
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95 Yoda Arata, “Gaidansu Kenkyu: Touhekiji M no Baai,” in Ringai Shinrigaku to Gaidansu, ed. Ushijima Giyu and Hatano Kanji (Tokyo: Ganshodo Shoten, 1951), 175–206.
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98 Los Angeles City Schools Curriculum Division, Practicing, trans. Miyasaka, 3–4, 16, 19, 63.
99 Kyoshi Yosei Kenkyukai, Kansatsu/Sanka/Jisshu: Atarashii Kyoshi no Tame no Jikken Katei (Tokyo: Shihan Gakko Kyokasho Kabushiki Kaisha, 1947), 85, iv, 4–5, 46–48.
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103 Tanaka, “Jo,” i; Machii, Seikaku Hantei to Gaidansu, 104–6, 5, 127–136, 145–150.
104 Miki succeeded Miyasaka as principal of the affiliate school. Combined, they led the school for most of the 1960s. Tokyo Daigaku Kyoiku Gakubu, Rekidai kenkyu kacho (gakubucho) (Tokyo: Tokyo University, Faculty of Education, 2021), https://www.p.u-tokyo.ac.jp/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/rekidai_2021.pdf.
105 Akai Yonekichi, Gaidansu (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo, 1949), 220, 222.
106 Kido Mantaro, “Mondaiji no Mondai,” Jido Shinri (March 1948), 1–2.
107 The vagaries of geography might have also subconsciously influenced Hiroshima Higher Normal School’s stance towards US guidance. Unlike Machii’s remote Nagasaki Maritime Higher School, Hiroshima Higher Normal was a short distance from the atomic bomb blast. In the space of a decade, Osada went from being a proponent of German-inspired racial education theories to becoming a leading anti-war activist. See Kiuchi, “Unrequited Love for Germany?”, 54; Arata, Osada, ed., Genbaku no Ko: Hiroshima no Shonenshojo no Uttae (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1951).Google Scholar
108 Hiroshima Koto Shihan Gakko Fuzoku Chugakko Kotogakko Kenkyubu, Hiroshima Puran Togo Hoomu Ruumu (Hiroshima: Yugawa Hirofumisha, 1950), i, 24.
109 Hiroshima Koto Shihan, Hiroshima Puran, 147, 163–65, 152, 162.
110 Hiroshima Koto Shihan, Hiroshima Puran, 207, 212, 211.
111 Hiroshima Koto Shihan, Hiroshima Puran, 228, 194, 200, 203.
112 Kokubun Ichitaro, “Aijo ni Kaketa Koosu obu Sutadee,” Seikatsu Gakko 2, no. 4 (Oct. 1947), 14–15, 19–20.
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116 Chuutou Sirei, “Dai-yon-go,” 96, 98–99.
117 Kakizaki Sadaharu, “Jobun,” in Hanaoka, Kyoin Suto, iii; Hanaoka, Kyoin Suto, 131, 248–249.
118 Kokubun Ichitaro, “Kaisetsu,” in Muchaku Seikyo, ed., Yamabiko Gakko, (1956; repr., Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995), 331.
119 For examples, see Muchaku, Yamabiko Gakko, (1951, repr.), 243–55, 286–93.
120 Miyahara Seiichi, “Tsuzurikata Kyoiku no Shinkansho,” Dokushonin 2 (May 1951), 17.
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122 Minkyokyo Shakaika Kenkyubukai, “Shakaika Kyoiku ni Kansuru Toron Hokoku,” Akarui Kyoiku (April 1948), 10; Hishiyama Kakuichiro, “Minkyo-Minkyokyo no Undo to Shakaika,” Meisei Daigaku Kyoikugaku Kenkyu Kiyo (11), 1996, 109–11, 113; Yamamoto, Nihon Kyoikushi, 354–57.
123 Isaka Yukio, “Gaidansu Josetsu,” in Shogakko Jissen Gaidansu: Jido no Seikatsu Sido Tebiki (Kyoiku Kensetsu 4) (Tokyo: Kaneko Shobo, 1952), 2.
124 Miyasaka Tetsufumi, “Gaidansu Josetsu,” in Chugakko Jissen Gaidansu: Seito Sido no Tebiki (Kyoiku Kensetsu 5) (Tokyo: Kaneko Shobo, 1952), 1–2.
125 Monbusho, Hekichi Jido Seito no Shakaisei (Tokyo: Meiji Tosho, 1955), i, 3–9, 26–41.
126 Tohoku Daigaku Kyoikugakubu Fuzoku Shogakko, Ranbo na Kodomo to Kodoku na Kodomo: Gakkyu Futekio no Shindan to Sido (Tokyo: Dogakusha, 1958), ii-iii.
127 Tohoku Daigaku, Ranbo na Kodomo, 32–38, 156, 40–44, 60–62, 225–27.
128 For context on the morality education controversy, see Duke, Benjamin, Japan’s Militant Teachers: A History of the Left-Wing Teachers’ Movement (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1973), .Google Scholar
129 Monbusho, “Dai-issho: Sosoku,” in Chugakko Gakushu Sido Yoryo: Showa 33-nen Kaiseiban (Tokyo: Monbusho, 1958), https://erid.nier.go.jp/files/COFS/s33j/chap1.htm, 2–1, 3; Monbusho, “Daisansho: Dotoku, Tokubetsukyouiku Katsudo oyobi Gakkogyojira,” Chugakko Gakushu Sido Yoryo (Tokyo: Monbusho, 1958), https://erid.nier.go.jp/files/COFS/s33j/chap3-1.htm, Section 1-3-1.
130 Monbusho, “Daisansho: Dotoku,” Section 1-2.
131 Arthur Loomis, “Compulsory Education in Japan,” Educational Forum (Nov. 1962), 19–20.
132 Ayako Kawaji, however, notes Toi’s continued emphasis on criticality, particularly regarding the need for Japanese to reflect upon their wartime conduct. See Kawaji, “Daily Life Writing,” 119–21.
133 For more on Miyasaka’s opposition to morality education, see Takehiko, Kumashiro, “Dotoku Kyoiku ni Kosuru/to Site no Seikatsu Sido: Futu Kyoiku no Kyokai Hendo to Miyasaka Tetsufumi,” in Kyokaisen no Gakkoshi: Sengo Nihon no Gakkokashakai no Shuen to Shuhen, ed. Hajime, Kimura (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku, 2020), .Google Scholar
134 Tetsufumi, Miysaka, Seikatsu Sido: Jissen no Tame no Kihon Mondai (Tokyo: Asakura Shoten, 1954), 59–60.Google Scholar
135 Tetsufumi, Miyasaka, “Shudantsukuri no Naka ni Seikatsu Tsuzurikata wo Do Itizukeru ka?,” in Seikatsu Sido no Zenshin no Tame ni: Shudanshugi to Seikatsu Tsuzurikata (1962; repr., Tokyo: Meiji Tosho, 1964), .Google Scholar
136 Miyasaka, Seikatsu Sido: Jissen, 59.
137 Miyasaka Tetsufumi, “Seikatsu Tsuzurikata wa ‘Gakkyu Shudan no Seikatsu Sido’ wo Fukumanaika?,” in Seikatsu Sido no Zenshin, 46; Yamada Kiyoto, “Tsuzurikata” (1941), as quoted by Miyasaka, “Seikatsu Tsuzurikata,” 42.
138 Takeda Masaichi et al., eds., Hoomu Ruumu to Techo: San-nen (Tokyo: Kyoikukagakusha, 1958), 1, 18.
139 For more on this, see Fujii, “Seikatsu Sido no Tenkai,” 60–63.
140 Monbukagakusho, Seito Sido Teiyo (Tokyo: Monbukagakushi, 2010), 1, 108–9, https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shotou/seitoshidou/1404008.htm.
141 Toyama Prefectural Board of Education, “Board Newsletter,” no. 25 (Nov. 1966), reprinted in Horio, Educational Thought, 350.
142 Horio, Educational Thought, 279, 280.
143 Monbukagakusho, Seito Sido Teiyo, 45.
144 Fukuzawa, Rebecca, “The Path to Adulthood according to Japanese Middle Schools,” in Teaching and Learning in Japan, ed. Rohlen, Thomas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), .Google Scholar