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Young Women and the City: Adolescent Deviance and the Transformation of Educational Policy, 1870–1960

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Michael W. Sedlak
Michael W. Sedlak*
Affiliation:
History of Education at Michigan State University
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Extract

The accustomed procession of fallen ones, with its familiar types, has halted at our doors. The waif, the drunkard's daughter, the pretty weak one, the child with inherited taint, the lover of fine dress and of ease,—all these, helpless and ignorant, worsted in the conflict with sin, trampled and crushed in its mire, often only the faint hope of a something better with us, they hardly know what, holding them back from suicide,—all these have come, and to these we have ministered as best we could, in body and soul.

Superintendent of Chicago's Erring Woman's Refuge, 1880

Johnny Carson recently observed that he could tell that the new academic year was about to commence because the maternity boutiques on Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills were having their “Back to School” sales. This comment nicely captured a profound, if still theoretical, transformation in the way Americans have responded to pregnant and wayward adolescents, for it was not until the late 1960s that they were permitted to attend school at all. Even then they were ordinarily segregated in isolated facilities to diminish their contaminating effect on other adolescents. An examination of the evolution of the education of “girls with special needs,” to employ a current euphemism, must consequently consider the organization of private-sector programs and voluntary agencies to provide rehabilitative services for a population most Americans considered to be too degraded or demoralized to enroll in regular classrooms.

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Articles
Information
History of Education Quarterly , Volume 23 , Issue 1 , Spring 1983 , pp. 1 - 28
Copyright
Copyright © 1983 by History of Education Society 

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References

Notes

I would like to express my gratitude to several friends and colleagues who provided assistance on this project: Alisa Birnbaum, Robert L. Church, Mary E. Janzen, Sue Levitt, Jeanne Peterson, Helen I. Reed, Dawn Russell, Karen Stainton, and Lynn Weiner. The National Institute of Education, through Contract No. 400-79-0017, supported portions of the research upon which this paper is based. This interpretation does not necessarily reflect the opinions of either the N.I.E. or those individuals who may have contributed in any way to the production of this essay.

1. Although virtually all of the literature on the history of programs for wayward adolescents focuses on public-sector institutions, I have learned a great deal about the particular nature of female delinquency from the following: Schlossman, Steven L. and Wallach, Stephanie, “The Crime of Precocious Sexuality: Female Delinquency in the Progressive Era,” Harvard Educational Review, 48 (February 1978): 65–94; Brenzel, Barbara, “Lancaster Industrial School for Girls: A Social Portrait of a Nineteenth-Century Reform School for Girls,” Feminist Studies, 3 (Fall 1975): 40–53; Brenzel, , “Domestication as Reform: A Study of the Socialization of Wayward Girls, 1856–1905,” Harvard Educational Review, 50 (May 1980): 196–213; Rothman, David J., Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980), pp. 261–89; Reeves, Margaret, Training Schools for Delinquent Girls (New York, 1929); Skodak, Marie, “Girls on Parole—And After,” Journal of Juvenile Research, 22 (1938): 145–61; Murphy, Patrick T., Our Kindly Parent—The State (New York, 1974); Harris, Liz, “Persons in Need of Supervision,” New Yorker (August 14, 1978): 55–89; Beane, James C., “A Survey of Three Hundred Delinquent Girls,” Journal of Juvenile Research, 15 (July 1931): 198–208; Freedman, Estelle B., Their Sisters' Keepers (Ann Arbor, 1981).Google Scholar

2. Chicago Superintendent for Public Instruction, Annual Report for the Year Ending 1914 (Chicago, 1914): 385, hereafter: Chicago Schools, Annual Report .Google Scholar

3. Falconer, Martha P., “Causes of Delinquency Among Girls,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 36 (July 1910): 77–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. See Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, Religion and the Rise of the City: The New York City Mission Movement (Ithaca, N.Y., 1971), pp. 97–124; Degler, Carl, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York, 1980), pp. 279–97.Google Scholar

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8. Bartelme, Mary, “The Opportunity for Women in Court Administration,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 52 (March 1914): 189.Google Scholar

9. Rippey, Sara Cory, “The Case of Angeline,” Outlook, 252 (January 31, 1914): 252–56; Runge, Emily Foote, “Women in the Juvenille Court,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 56 (November 1914): 91.Google Scholar

10. Rippey, , “The Case of Angeline,” 252–56.Google Scholar

11. Gillis, John R., “Servants, Sexual Relations, and the Risks of Illegitimacy in London, 1801–1900,” Feminist Studies, 5 (Spring 1979): 142–73.Google Scholar

12. Brenzel, , “Lancaster Industrial School for Girls:” 49–50, and passim .Google Scholar

13. Rippey, , “The Case of Angeline:” 252–56; “There has long existed the belief that to enter the ranks of those engaged in domestic service is to invite illicit love making, extra-marital intercourse, and subsequent unmarried motherhood,” observed Dorothy Puttee and Mary Colby in their careful examination of The Illegitimate Child in Illinois, p. 98; other commentators confirmed this perception of the dangers inherent in domestic service: see Lenroot, Katharine F., “Social Responsibility for the Protection of Children Handicapped by Illegitimate Birth,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 98 (November 1921): 120–8; Ottenberg, , “Fatherless Children.” 459; Prentice Murphy, J., “Mothers and—Mothers,” Survey, 42 (May 3, 1919): 171–6; Jones, George L., “How Does Our Treatment of the Unmarried Mother with the Second or Third Child Differ from Our Treatment of the Unmarried Mother with Her First Child?” Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work (1919): 81–86; see also the Chicago Tribune (August 28, 1928), on “Home Girl Found Easiest Victim of Moral Traps;” Goldman, Emma, “The Social Aspects of Birth Control,” Mother Earth, 11 (April 1916): 472; and McBride, Theresa M., The Domestic Revolution: The Modernization of Household Service in England and France, 1820–1920 (New York, 1976), esp. pp. 99–106.Google Scholar

14. Rosen, Ruth, ed., The Maimie Papers (Old Westbury, N. Y., 1977); Connelly, , Response to Prostitution; see also the small collection of Florence Crittenton Anchorage records held by the Chicago Historical Society Library, which includes a fascinating volume entitled A Glimpse of Shadowed Lives in a Great City, especially the chapter, “Little Biographies,” pp. 29–34.Google Scholar

15. On the early sex hygiene and education movements, consult Strong, Bryan, “Ideas of the Early Sex Education Movement in America,” History of Education Quarterly, 12 (Summer 1972): 129–61; Schlossman, and Wallach, , “The Crime of Precocious Sexuality;” Connelly, , Response to Prostitution, pp. 4–6; Smith, , “Unmarried Mothers:” 23; Prentice Murphy, J., “What Can Be Accomplished Through Good Social Work in the Field of Illegitimacy?” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 98 (November 1921): 132; developments in Chicago can be followed in the Chicago Schools, Annual Report (1910): 33–34, (1911): 87, (1912): 24ff., (1914): 377–87; Chicago Board of Education, Minutes, hereafter Chicago Schools, Minutes, (May 1, 1912), (May 15, 1912), (May 24, 1912), (January 22, 1913), (June 25, 1913), (July 9, 1913), (December 23, 1913), (January 7, 1914), (April 11, 1917), (November 24, 1915), (December 22, 1915), and (February 16, 1916). On housing, see for example, Abbott, Edith, The Tenements of Chicago, 1908–1935 (Chicago, 1936); I am grateful to Lynn Weiner for sharing her familiarity with the housing issue as it pertained to young women.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

16. My understanding of the composition of the private-sector institutions is based on a comprehensive review and analysis of the intake and disposition records of a number of delinquent and maternity care facilities, including the revealing Annual Reports of Chicago's Erring Woman's Refuge, Florence Crittenton Anchorage, Mary Bartelme Clubs, Chicago Home for Girls, Church Mission of Help, and the Park Ridge School for Girls. Complementing these reports, the statistics collected by the Council of Social Agencies on the area's programs for unmarried mothers were useful; see the “Minutes of the Committee on Illegitimacy,” Welfare Council Records, Box 207.Google Scholar

17. On the character of the evangelical homes, see generally, Smith, , “Unmarried Mothers:” 22; Barrett, Robert S., The Care of the Unmarried Mother (Alexandria, Va., 1929) p. 49; Barrett, Kate Waller, “The Unmarried Mother and Her Child,” National Conference of Charities and Corrections, 37 (1910): 98; Emerson, Frances V., “The Place of the Maternity Home,” Survey, 42 (August 30, 1919): 773; Wilson, Otto, Life of Dr. Kate Waller Barrett and Barrett, Kate Waller, Some Practical Suggestions on the Conduct of a Rescue Home, bound together and reprinted by Arno Press (New York, 1974); “Florence Crittenton Anchorage,” brochure released in approximately 1951 reviewing the early Crittenton homes, Welfare Council Records, Box 318; Younger, Joan, “The Unwed Mother,” Ladies' Home Journal, 64 (June 1947): 102.Google Scholar

18. On the religious nature of the institutions' programs, see particularly Emerson, , “Place of the Maternity Home:” 773; Smith, , “Unmarried Mothers:” 22; Anchorage, Florence Crittenton, Annual Report, hereafter F.C.A., Annual Report, (1916): 15; Refuge, Erring Woman's, Annual Report hereafter E.W.R. Annual Report, (1871): 12, (1878): 10; Puttee, and Colby, , Illegitimate Child in Illinois, pp. 136–40; Reeves, , Training Schools for Delinquent Girls, chapter 18.Google Scholar

19. See E.W.R., Annual Report (1878):8–11, (1879):9, (1880):9, (1881):8, (1897):15; Brenzel, , “Domestication as Reform:” 202, 210; Hickey, Margaret, “Unmarried Mothers … Salvation Army Care,” Ladies Home Journal, 66 (June 1949): 23ff.Google Scholar

20. E.W.R., Annual Report (1892): 6–7, (1905): 16, (1878): 11.Google Scholar

21. E.W.R., Annual Report (1876):7–8, (1892): 8, (1905): 10, 16, 25; see also Reeves, , Training Schools for Delinquent Girls, chapter 15.Google Scholar

22. E.W.R., Annual Report (1876): 7.Google Scholar

23. Rosen, , ed., The Maimie Papers, p. 196.Google Scholar

24. E.W.R., Annual Report (1891): 8, (1883): 7, (1880): 10, (1887): 9; Brenzel, , “Domestication as Reform:” 202; Brenzel, , “Lancaster Industrial School for Girls:” 48.Google Scholar

25. E.W.R., Annual Report (1876): 5, (1897): 18, (1892): 6–7, (1894): 8.Google Scholar

26. Chicago Refuge for Girls, Annual Report (1910): 8, 18; Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1917): 11, 14, 20, (1920): 17–21, (1923): 16, (1924): 16, (1927): 19; Chicago Schools, Minutes (March 26, 1926), (January 11, 1928); Chicago Schools, Annual Report (1916): 83.Google Scholar

27. Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1920): 20, (1919): 22.Google Scholar

28. Chicago Schools, Annual Report (1916): 83.Google Scholar

29. Emerson, , “Place of the Maternity Home:” 773; F.C.A., Annual Report (1925): 6–9, (1927): 5–7; Donahue, Madorah, “The Case of an Unmarried Mother Who Has Cared for Her Child and Succeeded,” Proceedings of the National Conference on Social Work, (1917): 282–87; Clarke, Lilian Freeman, “The Story of an Invisible Institution,” Outlook, 16 (December 15, 1906):935; Edlin, Sara Boudin, “Jewish Unmarried Mothers,” Survey, 44 (June 19, 1920): 408–9; “Boston Conference on Illegitimacy,” 707–8; Anchorage, Florence Crittenton, Board of Managers, “Minutes,” for (May 12, 1921), (February 22, 1922), (September 7, 1922) (November 30, 1922), in the Florence Crittenton Records, Accession No. 73–35, Box 6.Google Scholar

30. E.W.R., Annual Report (1877): 9.Google Scholar

31. E.W.R., Annual Report (1881): 7, (1871): 12, (1874): 9, (1876): 8–9; Church Mission of Help, “Church Mission of Help,” (n.d., p. 4), in “Church Mission of Help Files,” Welfare Council Records; F.C.A., Annual Report (1925): 6–9; see generally the discussion in Aiken, Katherine G., “The National Florence Crittenton Mission, 1883–1925; A Case Study in Progressive Reform,” Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Washington State University, 1980.Google Scholar

32. The Crittenton incident is reported in the Anchorage's Board of Managers, “Minutes,” for (November 30, 1922), (December 5, 1923), and (January 3, 1924), Florence Crittenton Records, Accession No. 73–35, Box 6; other interesting evidence regarding the black market in babies is contained in Murphy, , “What Can Be Accomplished,” p. 131; Lake, Alice, “Why Young Girls Sell Their Babies,” Reader's Digest, 70 (March 1957): 117–20; Pendleton, Ora, “New Aims in Adoptions,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 151 (September 1930): 156–60.Google Scholar

33. This phrase comes from the 1879 Annual Report of the Bethany Home in Minneapolis; I would like to thank Lynn Weiner for calling it to my attention. Revealing discussions between the Erring Woman's Refuge and the City of Chicago can be found in E.W.R., Annual Report (1876):12, and (1878): 12. My impression about the financial structure of the institutions is based upon a thorough analysis of the budgets of a half-dozen agencies.Google Scholar

34. My understanding of the federated charities movement is based on both secondary sources, including Lubove's, Roy The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880–1930 (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), pp. 157–219; Trolander, Judith Ann, Settlement Houses and the Great Depression (Detroit, 1975), and Peterson, Jon A., “From Social Settlement to Social Agency: Settlement Work in Columbus, Ohio, 1898–1958,” Social Service Review, 39 (June 1965): 191–208; and a comprehensive examination of the rich federated organization collections in Chicago, the Welfare Council Records, and the Community Fund Records (located at the University of Illinois-Chicago Circle).Google Scholar

35. Family Service Section Committee, Council of Social Agencies, “Minutes,” (June 19, 1940), Welfare Council Records, Box 318; on the Crittenton review process, see more generally, the “Subscriptions Investigating Committee Report on the Crittenton Anchorage,” (1936), Family Service Section Committee, “Minutes,” for (November 3, 1936), the “Memos to File” prepared by Edwina Lewis of the Council, dated (November 1, 1940), (March 12, 1941), (March 18, 1941), (June 29, 1942), (July 1, 1942), (July 17, 1942), all located in Welfare Council Records, Box 318. Evidence suggests that the substitution process was completed by the early 1950s in most targeted agencies. In contrast with the significant role played by the local federated organizations in modifying the character and staffing of Chicago's Crittenton home, in other communities the chain's national organization exerted leverage over the local operations. The vast majority of maternity homes, particularly those located in large urban areas, were not components of the chain structure and as independent agencies were more susceptible to the efforts of the federated organizations to shape the delivery system.Google Scholar

36. Reviewing Committee on Child Care Agency Budgets, Council of Social Agencies, “Notes on Conference with Members of the Board of Park Ridge School for Girls,” for (December 12, 1936), in “Park Ridge School Files,” Welfare Council Records.Google Scholar

37. Keller, Charles to Loomis, Frank (January 18, 1937), and Olmsted, Jennie M. to Loomis, (January 18, 1937), “Park Ridge School Files,” Welfare Council Records.Google Scholar

38. Loomis, to Olmsted, (January 19, 1937), “Park Ridge School Files,” Welfare Council Records.Google Scholar

39. See, for example, the Community Fund, Annual Report (1937), which first mentions the inclusion of the Park Ridge School for Girls, and later evaluations prepared by the Welfare Council detailing the scope and nature of the professional staff employed by the School in the “Park Ridge School for Girls Files” in the Community Fund Records.Google Scholar

40. Emerson, , “Place of the Maternity Home,” p. 772. On the modernization of the institutions in general, consult Smith, , “Unmarried Mothers,” pp. 22–3; Committee on Problems Related to Unmarried Parenthood, Council of Social Agencies, Handbook Describing Maternity Home Care in Chicago (June 1940); Florence Crittenton Homes Association, “Historical Development of Florence Crittenton Service,” a brochure prepared and distributed in February, 1954, several copies of which are located in the Florence Crittenton Anchorage Records; Allen, Mary Louise, “What Can We Do About America's Unwed Teenage Mothers?” McCall's Magazine, 91 (November 1963): 40ff,; “Background of the Mary Bartelme Club,” (1960), pamphlet in the Community Fund Records, Accession No. 72–17, Box 126; Hickey, Margaret, “Better Maternity Homes,” Ladies Home Journal, 66 (June 1949): 23; Hickey, , “The Crittenton Program,” ibid. 75 (August 1958): 23.Google Scholar

41. Jones, , “Our Treatment of the Unmarried Mother,” p. 83; Brenzel, , “Domestication as Reform,” p. 210; Katzman, David M., Seven Days a Week (New York, 1978).Google Scholar

42. Family Service Section Committee, “Minutes,” for (June 19, 1940), Welfare Council Records, Box 318.Google Scholar

43. “Florence Crittenton Anchorage,” (February 1951); “Florence Crittenton Anchorage: Running Record,” by Mary Young of the Welfare Council, for (March 3, 1952); Mary Young's “Evaluation of Program: Florence Crittenton Anchorage,” for 1951, 1952, and 1953; all located in Welfare Council Records, Box 318.Google Scholar

44. Annual Reports from the institutions under consideration include a number of statistics regarding dispositions and placements which confirm this reversal in adoption policy during the late 1940s and early 1950s.Google Scholar

45. Discussions of educational programs maintained by the institutions, included in most Annual Reports, suggest the efforts undertaken to upgrade the academic curricula; the quotation is from Genrose Gehri (executive director of the Anchorage) to Lucy Carner of the Welfare Council (March 10, 1952), Welfare Council Records, Box 318.Google Scholar

46. Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1938): 12, (1939); 12.Google Scholar

47. Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1944):11; “Report to the Board of Managers,” for (January 18, 1945), by the executive director, included in the Mary Bartelme Records, still held by the Mary Bartelme organization's historical records. See also, Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1944): 15; “Minutes of the Annual Open Meeting,” of (January 15, 1942), “Minutes of the Board of Managers,” of (January 31, 1944), both located in the Mary Bartelme Records; Craine, Marion K., “Special Report on the Chicago Home for Girls,” (June 16, 1946), Welfare Council Records, Box 280.Google Scholar

48. Chicago Home for Girls, Annual Report (1944): 15.Google Scholar

49. The historical experience of young black women is exceptionally difficult to examine, both because of the common problems associated with the dearth of minority-generated records and because the private-sector institutions preferred to serve whites almost exclusively, leaving blacks to be cared for by their families. The best local data that I have so far reviewed was collected by the Committee on Illegitimacy of the Council of Social Agencies in Chicago, and is included in their “Minutes,” for the period 1919–1939, located in the Welfare Council Records, Boxes 207 and 208.Google Scholar

50. On the Urban League venture, see the Committee on Illegitimacy, “Minutes,” for (May 8, 1929), Welfare Council Records, Box 207.Google Scholar

51. Ibid.; see also Chicago Schools, Annual Report (1936): 263, (1938): 401–402, (1939): 304, (1940): 273.Google Scholar

52. My understanding of this fascinating episode is based upon an examination of confidential materials, including internal memoranda, correspondence, transcriptions of telephone conversations, and personal observations, located in the Florence Crittenton Anchorage Records, Accession No. 73–35, Box 6, and the Welfare Council Records, Box 318. It should be noted that my interpretation of these events differs sharply from that presented to the public in local newspapers; see, for example, the Chicago Tribune (June 1, 1947), and (March 20, 1949), which stressed the importance of the dilapidated building, when in fact it was resistance from property owners that forced the Anchorage out of its dwelling when the move to integrate was announced.Google Scholar

53. I am currently preparing an analysis of the evolution of services for delinquent and pregant adolescents after the entry of the federal government into the market during the 1960s. I would like to thank Ms. Suzanne Hinds formerly of the United Way of Metropolitan Chicago for discussing trends in programs for unmarried mothers. The following are particularly useful: “Aunt Martha's Decline,” Newsweek (March 27, 1972): 100; Liebrum, Martha, “On the Decline: Homes for Unwed Mothers,” Houston Post (August 13, 1972), and dozens of similar clippings held in the Florence Crittenton Anchorage Records. On the comprehensive center movement, see Holmes, Mary, et al., “A New Approach to Educational Services for the Pregnant Student,” Journal of School Health, 40 (April 1970): 168–72; Strom, Susan, “The Schools and the Pregnant Teenager,” Saturday Review, 50 (September 16, 1967): 80ff; Howard, Marion, “Teenage Parents,” Today's Education, 62 (February 1973): 39ff; Howard, , “Pregnant School-age Girls,” Journal of School Health, 41 (September 1971): 361–64; Howard, , “School Continues for Pregnant Teenagers,” American Education, 5 (December 1968): 5–7; Bedger, Jane E., Teenage Pregnancy: Research Related to Clients and Services (Springfield, Ill., 1980); on developments in Chicago, see Chicago Schools, Minutes (July 16, 1966), (November 9, 1966), (October 11, 1972), (August 27, 1975).Google Scholar

54. The following policy discussions are very useful: Atkyns, Glenn C., “Trends in the Retention of Married and Pregnant Students in American Public Schools,” Sociology of Education, 41 (Winter 1968): 57–65; Atkyns, , “The Administrator and His Problems Related to Sex,” Clearing House, 42 (February 1968): 372–75; “School Policies Waver on Teen-Age Pregnancy: School Administrator's Opinion Poll,” Nation's Schools, 83 (February 1969): 99; “Pregnant Schoolgirls and Pregnant Teachers,” American School Board Journal, 160 (March 1973): 23–31; Warren, Donald R., “Pregnant Students/Public Schools,” Phi Delta Kappan, 52 (October 1972): 111–14; Furstenburg, Frank K. Jr., et al., eds., Teenage Sexuality, Pregnancy, and Childbearing (Philadelphia, 1981); Ooms, Theodora, ed., Teenage Pregnancy in a Family Context: Implications for Policy (Philadelphia, 1981); Zellman, Gail L., The Response of the Schools to Teenage Pregnancy and Parenthood (Santa Monica, California, 1981); Sedlak, Michael W. and Church, Robert L., “A History of the Delivery of Social Services to Youth, 1880–1976,” Final Report to the National Institute of Education, Contract No. 400-79-0017 (1982); Sedlak, , “Schooling as a Response to Crime: Educational Policy and Juvenile Delinquency in Historical Perspective,” in Lewis, Dan A., ed., Reactions to Crime: Individual and Institutional Responses (Beverly Hills, California, 1981), pp. 205–26; Polk, Kenneth and Schafer, Walter E., Schools and Delinquency (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1972); and Johnson, Richard E., Juvenile Delinquency and its Origins: An Integrated Theoretical Approach (Cambridge, England, 1979), chapters 1–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar