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Teacher, Tester, Soldier, Spy: Psychologists Talk about Teachers in the Intelligence-Testing Movement, 1910s-1930s
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 July 2017
Abstract
This article focuses on teachers in the discourses of early twentieth-century proponents of intelligence testing in America. Teachers were often a targeted enemy in the academic literature on intelligence testing—their methods belittled, their unreliability emphasized. Yet, in part because teachers were essential for intelligence tests to be given in schools, they were also often talked about in more ambiguous ways. In particular, this paper argues that psychologists’ ways of talking to, at, and about teachers presented a relationship characterized by an originary indebtedness of teachers toward psychology. Intelligence tests, it was implied, were a gift for teachers, and psychologists’ help a favor that teachers should repay by using the tests and showing rigor, obedience, and gratefulness in doing so. Arguably, the debt was framed in such ways as to render impossible its repayment and to make illegible the potential contributions and initiatives of teachers in the intelligence-testing movement.
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References
1 This was a dominant claim in 1960s and 1970s approaches to the history of intelligence testing. For an example of claims that teachers were being systematically “colonized,” see Richardson, Theresa and Johanningmeier, Erwin V., “Intelligence Testing: The Legitimation of a Meritocratic Educational Science,” International Journal of Educational Research 27, no. 8 (Feb. 1998), 699–714 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Later histories of teaching, especially with a feminist slant, have called for an end to the view of the Progressive Era “as a time when teachers were reduced to little more than pawns in large-scale school systems;” MacDonald, Victoria-Maria, “The Paradox of Bureaucratization: New views on Progressive Era Teachers and the Development of a Woman's Profession,” History of Education Quarterly 39, no. 4 (Winter 1999), 427–53, 432CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Yet the processes of belittlement and objectification of teachers historically are still persuasively discussed and denounced today. In this journal, one can think of Kate Rousmaniere's sophisticated study of the rhetorics of disability in relation to teaching, “Those Who Can't, Teach: The Disabling History of American Educators,” History of Education Quarterly 53, no. 1 (Feb. 2013), 90–103 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; or of Jonna Perrillo's no less enlightening Foucauldian-feminist approach of the discursive control of teachers’ bodies in the interwar era, “Beyond ‘Progressive’ Reform: Bodies, Discipline, and the Construction of the Professional Teacher in Interwar America,” History of Education Quarterly 44, no. 3 (Sept. 2004), 337–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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5 For more on the difficulties encountered by schools at the time, See Chapman's excellent account (Schools as Sorters) and David Tyack's classic study of the rise of urban education in America. Tyack, David B., The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974)Google Scholar. For contemporaneous accounts, see Judd, Charles Hubbard, “The Influence of Scientific Studies in Education on Teacher-Training Institutions,” Peabody Journal of Education 2, no. 6 (May 1925), 291–300 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tansil, Rebecca C., “Steps in the History of Standardization of Normal Schools and Teachers Colleges,” Peabody Journal of Education 7, no. 3 (Nov. 1929), 164–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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7 A dichotomy articulated by most historians, such as Chapman, Schools as Sorters; Danziger, Naming the Mind; and Tyack, The One Best System.
8 The genesis of intelligence testing in the United States is extremely well known, and I sketch here a summary as backdrop. In the early 1900s, French psychologist Alfred Binet, mandated by the French government to study “feeble-minded” children, developed with Théodore Simon general intelligence tests based on a distinction between mental and chronological age. American psychologists Henry Goddard and Lewis Terman enthusiastically adopted and adapted the scale, and Terman's version, the Stanford-Binet scale, was published and taught in books, articles, and handbooks for teachers in the mid-1910s. Schoolchildren were “Bineted” on ever-larger scales throughout the 1910s and 1920s. In 1919, a team consisting of Terman, Robert Yerkes, Melvin Haggerty, Edward Thorndike, and Guy Whipple developed the National Intelligence Tests, of which 200,000 copies were sold in 1920. For an excellent overview, see Zenderland, Leila, Measuring Minds: Henry Herbert Goddard and the Origins of American Intelligence Testing (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001)Google Scholar. For a briefer history, see Fass, Paula S., “The IQ: A Cultural and Historical Framework,” American Journal of Education 88, no. 4 (Aug. 1980), 431–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a critical history, see Kamin, Leon J., The Science and Politics of IQ (Potomac, MD: Erbaum Associates, 1974)Google Scholar.
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36 Terman, Measurement of Intelligence, 24, 31. Hollingworth also said that teachers “do not have in mind a clear idea of the meaning of intelligence . . . . This results in deviation from the findings of scientific test.” Gifted Children, 50.
37 Hollingworth, Gifted Children, 50.
38 Terman, Measurement of Intelligence, 23.
39 Banker, “The Significance of Teachers’ Marks,” 271.
40 Ibid.
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42 Terman, L. M. et al. , Intelligence Tests and School Reorganization (Yonkers-on-Hudson, NY: World Book Company, 1922), 78 Google Scholar. This collective book is evocatively introduced by Terman in a chapter called “The Problem,” the problem being that “school reform has lagged behind the advances of psychological science,” 4.
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76 An advert for the Stanford-Binet scale in The Mismeasure of Man extolled it as being “simple in application,” “reliable,” and “scoring is unusually simple,” Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 178.
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86 Buckingham, “Mental and Physical Age,” 143.
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