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Struggling Toward Success: Jesuit Education in Italy, 1540–1600

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Christopher Carlsmith
Christopher Carlsmith*
Affiliation:
University of Masschusetts –Lowell
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Extract

In a letter to his Jesuit superior in the spring of 1558, John Paul Nicolas, S.J., described a recent argument with the bishop of Perugia:

The other day, Tuesday, I breakfasted with his Reverence the Bishop of Perugia; and he said to me that it was important to him and to everyone in Perugia that our school read the Latin grammar book of Christopher Sasso [a professor of rhetoric at the University of Perugia], because when they had seen that we read this and other grammars, they would be very friendly to us and in this way much rancor would be avoided. I responded to him: “Monsignor, being that there are so many grammar books as good as that of Sasso, it does not seem necessary to me to change, especially if Sasso's is no different than the others.” He said: “So much the better that they are not different, it will not be troublesome to you.” I repeated to him that such changes did not seem to me to be a good idea. He said: “Look, it will not be disliked,” adding that he had had experience with it in the past.

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History of Education Quarterly , Volume 42 , Issue 2 , Summer 2002 , pp. 215 - 246
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Copyright © 2002 by the History of Education Society 

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References

1 Monumenta Paedagogica Societatis Iesu, ed. Ladislaus Lukács, 6 vols. (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1965–1992), 3: 278–279. All translations from the Monumenta Paedagogica are my own.Google Scholar

2 Ibid. Ignatius Loyola's secretary (and later successor) James Lainez responded a week later that the college was not obligated to use Sasso's book because it would cause too much hardship for the teacher. For a similar example from Ferrara, see Andrea Ferri and Mario Giberti, I Gesuiti a Imola e le scuole cittadine nel complesso di Sant'Agata, 2 vols. (Bologna: University Press, 1997), 1: 69. All subsequent references to Ferri and Giberti are to volume 1.Google Scholar

3 Examples include Robert Schwickerath, Jesuit Education: Its History and Principles (St. Louis: B. Herder, 1904); McGucken, William J. The Jesuits and Education: The Society's Teaching Principles and Practice, Especially in Secondary Education in the United States (New York and Milwaukee: Bruce, 1932); Scarisbrick, J.J. The Jesuits and the Catholic Reformation (London: Historical Association, 1989.)Google Scholar

4 I consider Jesuit attempts to found schools in the following cities: Bergamo, Bologna, Ferrara, Forlì, Genoa, Milan, Messina, Naples, Padua, Palermo, Perugia, Siena, and Turin. The Collegio Romano and the Collegio Germanico in Rome have not been included in this study. On the Collegio Romano, see Mario Fois, “Il Collegio Romano: l'istituzione, la struttura, il primo secolo di vita,” and Frederick McGinness, “The Collegio Romano, the University of Rome, and the Decline and Rise of Rhetoric in the Late Cinquecento,” both in Roma Moderna e Contemporanea 3 (Sept.-Dec. 1995): 571–600, 601–624. A panel at the Renaissance Society of America's 2000 conference, entitled “Religious Orders of Men and Civic Education in Late Renaissance Italy,” examined three specific case studies in which Jesuits sought to provide education to adolescents in Bergamo, Naples, and Parma.Google Scholar

5 Grendler, Paul “Schools, Seminaries, and Catechetical Instruction,“ in Catholicism in Early Modern History: A Guide to Research, ed. O'Malley, John (St. Louis: Center for Reformation Research, 1988), 315–330. For case studies of Catholic efforts at education, see Christopher Carlsmith, “Schooling and Society in Bergamo, 1500–1650” (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1999), 126–221; and Comerford, Kathleen “The Influence of the Jesuits on the Curriculum of the Diocesan Seminary of Fiesole, 1636–1646,“ The Catholic Historical Review 84 (1998): 662–680. For a (pessimistic) interpretation of Protestant efforts, see Gerald Strauss, Luther's House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).Google Scholar

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7 Castiglione, Baldessare The Courtier trans. Bull, George (Baltimore: Penguin Books: 1967). Juan Luis Vives, Johannes Sturm, Roger Ascham, Erasmus of Rotterdam, and Giovita Ravizza each published important pedagogical works in the sixteenth century. For these and other titles, see the bibliography in Paul Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

8 Grendler, Schooling, 403–411; see also Black, Robert “Humanism and Education in Renaissance Arezzo,“ I Tatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance 1 (1985): 171–237; idem, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

9 Grendler, Schooling, 3. But cf. chapter 2 of Carlsmith, “Schooling and Society in Bergamo,” which emphasizes the role played by lay confraternities in providing education.Google Scholar

10 The early history of the Jesuits has been carefully described by a series of historians, and I do not propose to retrace those steps here. See Michael Foss, The Founding of the Jesuits (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1969); Brodrick, James The Origin of the Jesuits (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1971); and especially O'Malley, John W., The First Jesuits (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). For a general history of the Jesuit order, see William Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus, 2nd ed. (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1986).Google Scholar

11 Grendler, Schooling, 371; O'Malley, First Jesuits, 202–208.Google Scholar

12 Monumenta Angliae. English and Welsh Jesuits: Catalogues (1555–1629), ed. Thomas McCoog (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1992). McCoog's introductory essay explains the exact requirements for the correspondence and annual lists that were to be compiled and sent to Rome. Ignatius's correspondence alone fills twelve large volumes, and that of James Lainez, Juan Polanco, and Francis Xavier fills another half-dozen. See Monumenta Ignatiana: Scripta de S. Ignatio (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu [hereafter MHSI]: 1934–77); Epistolae p. Hieronymi Nadal, ab anno 1546–1577. … (Madrid: Avrial, 1898); Polanci complementa (Rome: MHSI, 1969); Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii aliaque eius scripta et monumenta, ed. Georg Schurhammer and Josef Wicki (Rome: MHSI, 1944–45).Google Scholar

13 The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus, trans. with intro. and commentary by George E. Ganss (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1970), hereafter Constitutions. A more recent version is The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and Their Complementary Norms, ed. John W. Padberg (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1996). All subsequent citations to the Constitutions refer to paragraph numbers rather than page numbers.Google Scholar

14 I rely upon the edition found in Edward A. Fitzpatrick, St. Ignatius and the Ratio Studiorum [hereafter Ratio] (London: McGraw-Hill, 1933; reprinted by AMS Press in 1999). Useful studies of the Ratio include: La “Ratio Studiorum”: modelli culturali e pratiche educative dei Gesuiti in Italia tra Cinque e Seicento, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981); Farrell, Allan P. The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education: Development and Scope of the Ratio Studiorum (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1938); and an exhibition catalogue, Ratio Studiorum: Jesuit Education, 1540–1773, ed. John Atteberry and John Russell (Chestnut Hill, MA: Boston College, 1999).Google Scholar

15 Donnelly, John Patrick “Religious Orders of Men, Especially the Society of Jesus,“ in O'Malley, , ed., Catholicism in Early Modern History, 156–157.Google Scholar

16 O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 1. See also idem, “The Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where Does It Stand Today?” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John O'Malley, et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 3–37.Google Scholar

17 Polgár, László Bibliographie sur l'histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1901–1980, 3 vols, in 6 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1981–1990). Annual updates are published in the Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Google Scholar

18 There are two exceptions to this trend: Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 98–106, discusses the “difficulties and failures” of Jesuit schools in Italy; and O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 227–232, examines “failures, frustrations, and crisis” of early Jesuit schools. These few pages are overwhelmed by the rest of their respective books, however, which portray a much more positive view of the Society and its mission. For a later period, see John W. Padberg, Colleges in Controversy: The Jesuit Schools in France from Revival to Suppression, 1815–1880 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969); for a broader consideration of Jesuit difficulties in Italy, see Cozzi, Gaetano “Fortuna, e sfortuna, della Compagnia di Gesù a Venezia,“ in I Gesuiti a Venezia: Momenti e problemi di storia veneziana della Compagnia di Gesù, ed. Mario Zanardi (Padua: Giunta regionale del Veneto; Gregoriana libreria editrice, 1994), 59–87. An additional explanation for the lack of attention paid to this topic may lie in the paucity of studies about institutional formation in early modern Europe. A conference at Kings’ College London in July 1999, entitled “Institutional Culture in Early Modern Europe: Histories and Anthropologies” addressed this issue, and a collection of essays from that conference will be forthcoming.Google Scholar

19 See O'Malley, The First Jesuits, passim; see also Fitzpatrick, St. Ignatius, 10–11, and John Donohue, Jesuit Education: An Essay on the Foundation of Its Idea (New York: Fordham University Press, 1963), 66. In 1989 Father General Hans-Peter Kolvenbach outlined some modern goals for Jesuit education: “The Society of Jesus has always sought to imbue students with values that transcend the goals of money, fame, and success. We want graduates who will be leaders concerned about the society and world in which they live, desirous of eliminating hunger and conflict in the world, sensitive to the need for more equitable distribution of God's bounty, seeking to end sexual and social discrimination, and eager to share their faith and love of Christ with others.” The Catholic Standard (21 September 1989): 9.Google Scholar

20 Cesareo, Francesco “The Quest for Identity: The Ideals of Jesuit Education in the Sixteenth Century,“ in The Jesuit Tradition in Education and Missions: A 450-year perspective, ed. Chapple, Christopher (Scranton, PA: University of Scranton Press, 1993), 21. Cesareo cites the Libellus Quo Initia Scholarum Collegii Messanensis Annuntiantur in Monumenta Paedagogica, 92: 386.Google Scholar

21 Cesareo, “Quest for Identity,“ 21 n. 23. Also cited in Pietro Tacchi Venturi, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia, 6 vols. (Rome: Civiltà Cattolica, 1950) II/2: 535–540.Google Scholar

22 Cesareo, “Quest for Identity,“ 21 24.Google Scholar

23 Ganss, George E. Saint Ignatius’ Idea of a Jesuit University (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1954), 29. As Antonio Possevino put it, shortly after the death of Ignatius: “Blessed Ignatius Loyola, in the course of his travels had become very familiar with the schools of Spain, France, and Germany. And so, when he was called to promote the honor of the divine name of Jesus by means of literary studies and spiritual training, he had abundant sources upon which to draw in forming his own institute. Whatever elements he judged most valuable in the conduct of universities and monastic schools in Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Belgium, and Germany, he adopted as guiding principles. These were carefully tested and sifted by daily use in the Society's schools and colleges, and later formed the subject of repeated discussion.” A. Possevino, De Cultu Ingeniorum, c. 38, cited and trans. by Ganss, 29. See also Gian Paolo Brizzi, “The Jesuits and Universities in Italy,” in Helga Robinson-Hammerstein, ed., European Universities in the Age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation (Portland, OR: Four Courts Press, 1998).Google Scholar

24 Each of the schools founded by the Society of Jesus between 1540 and 1600 falls into one of six types. The first, roughly equivalent to a modern college dormitory, was an independent residence designed for Jesuit scholastics who attended the local university. Therefore all such residences were located in university towns (Paris, Louvain, Cologne, Padua, Coimbra, Alcala, and Valencia). The second type of school is exemplified by that in Gandia (Spain), where the local duke, Francisco Borgia (Borja), offered to endow a school so that the members of the Society could tutor each other. As Gandia had no university, however, the Jesuits had to found their own college, which they did in 1545. Shortly after this college opened, some local families requested that their sons be enrolled among the Jesuit scholastics, which resulted in a third type of school, the “mixed college.” The mixed college, often sponsored by a local patron, featured a majority of Jesuit professors and students with only a handful of local lay students (externs). The fourth, and most important, type of school was that founded at Messina in 1548, one intended chiefly to teach lay youths who did not envisage the priesthood. This school required a more complete curriculum, and was usually sponsored by the local community which provided housing, classrooms, and food. From 1548 to 1551, schools of this type were opened at the rate of five or six per year in Italy, and in 1551 the flagship institution of the Collegio Romano opened in Rome. A fifth type of school, the Collegio Germanico, was opened in 1552 as a residence for extern students from Germany who wished to become Catholic priests outside the Society. These German students were expected to take classes at the Collegio Romano. A sixth type of school was founded at Vienna in 1553, one intended as a boarding college for extern students who took classes at the local public university. Ganss, Jesuit University, 20–24; O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 202–208; Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 25–109; Constitutions, paragraphs 440–509. See McGucken, The Jesuits and Education, for a detailed history of American Jesuit institutions, and Donohue, Jesuit Education, for some thoughtful essays on the historical background and status of Jesuit schools ca. 1963. See also Ladislaus Lukács, “De origine collegiorum externorum” cited in n. 50 below.Google Scholar

25 Constitutions, 394.Google Scholar

26 Occasionally the Jesuits cooperated with the “scholetta,” a two-year preparatory course for younger students to learn the fundamentals of Latin grammar and syntax. Usually taught by secular clergy or laymen, these courses focused solely upon Latin and should not be confused with the public schools of the Cinquecento, which also offered mathematics and Italian grammar. Jesuit involvement with the “scholetta” became more pronounced toward the end of the century as they sought to attract more students. Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 56.Google Scholar

27 Constitutions, 366, 381.Google Scholar

28 Scaglione, Aldo The Liberal Arts and the Jesuit College System (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: J. Benjamin Publishing Co., 1986), 69–74, 77–109, provides a thoughtful discussion of the typical Jesuit curriculum in Italy. Other sources on early Jesuit pedagogy include: Gabriel Codina Mir, Aux sources de la pèdagogie des Jèsuites: Le “Modus Parisiensis” (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1968); Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Strategie educative e istituzione scholastiche della Controriforma,” in A. Asor Rosa, Letteratura italiana, il letterato e le istituzioni (Turin: G. Einaudi, 1982), 1: 899–920; Farrell, The Jesuit Code. Google Scholar

29 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 38 441–452. As illustrated in the opening anecdote, the choice of grammar books was an important issue for some Italian towns, and could lead to conflict.Google Scholar

30 Ganss, Jesuit University, 47.Google Scholar

31 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 38.Google Scholar

32 Constitutions, 359.Google Scholar

33 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 49–52. Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 55–59, offers a year-by-year overview of the Jesuit curriculum.Google Scholar

34 For a more detailed survey of these years and their impact on Ignatius’ educational philosophy, see Ganss, Jesuit University, ch. 2; and Lukács, Ladislaus “Introductio generalis,“ Monumenta Paedagogica, 5: 1–12, trans. and ed. Frederick A. Homann, in idem, Church, Culture and Curriculum: Theology and Mathematics in the Jesuit Ratio Studiorum (Philadelphia: St. Joseph's University Press, 1999), 18–22.Google Scholar

35 O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 217.Google Scholar

36 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 93–94. A significant literature exists on medieval universities; two classic works include Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F.M. Powicke and A.B. Emden, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), 9–21; and Kibre, Pearl The Nations in the Medieval Universities (Cambridge, MA: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1948), 3–27, 116–129. Two recent volumes of collected essays are John Van Engen, ed., Learning Institutionalized: Teaching in the Medieval University (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2000) and Hilde De Ridder-Symoens, ed., A History of the University in Europe, vol. 1, Universities in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1992). However, very little has been published on the university in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe, which makes Paul Grendler's book, Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002) all the more anticipated. Brief comparisons of pedagogy in French and Italian universities can be found in Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Le istituzioni educative e culturali: le Università e collegi,” in Storia della Emilia Romagna, ed. Aldo Berselli (Bologna: University Press, 1977) 2: 443–461; and in Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 53–55.Google Scholar

37 Monumenta Paedagogica, 1: 425–426; translated by O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 216. Polanco was Ignatius's principal secretary.Google Scholar

38 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 35.Google Scholar

39 For bibliography, see Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta della Compagnia di Gesú,” in Zanardi, I Gesuiti a Venezia, 471–475, esp. n. 18.Google Scholar

40 See Ratio, 201–202, for rules on prereadings in History, Poetry, and Rhetoric. See also Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 259–270, Appendix Two, “Methods of Teaching Philosophy and Theology in Ignatius’ Day.”Google Scholar

41 Constitutions, 374.Google Scholar

42 Ibid., 378–380, 383.Google Scholar

43 Monumenta Ignatiana, I ser., II, 120, 357, cited by Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 38.Google Scholar

44 Polanco's, Chronicon I 370, cited by Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 39.Google Scholar

45 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 41.Google Scholar

46 Ratio, 205: “Let decurions be appointed to hear the memory recitations, collect the papers, to note in a little book how many times each fails in memory, who neglected to write, or did not bring both copies….”Google Scholar

47 Monumenta Paedagogica, 3: 445–446; ibid., 4: 552–554.Google Scholar

48 Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 72–74. For an example from France, see A. Lynn Martin, The Jesuit Mind: The Mentality of an Elite in Early Modern France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989), 51–53. For an example from eighteenth-century Bergamo, see Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Ven. 111, Fundatio Collegi A-B, ff. 390r-391v.Google Scholar

49 Monumenta Paedagogica, 4: 552–54; ibid., 3: 393–94. See also Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 66–79. An interesting example occurred in Tivoli, where itinerant pedagogues announced that they could provide faster results with easier methods, and thus attracted a large group of students from the Jesuit school. The account provided by the rector of the college, Father Girardin, illustrates his frustration with such travelling teachers and the deleterious effect upon his own school: “The college is in such a state of flux that I hardly know what to write. Sometimes the attendance is good, at other times there is a notable decrease. The cause is partly that the students work in the fields, partly (as at present) that they have gone to the classes of a pedagogue who recently opened a school in Tivoli. Several of the larger boys deserted to his camp and took others with them. Though some of the boys would prefer to stay in our school, their parents have sent them to the classes of the new teacher. The new always attracts them! I trust that one day all will return. But meanwhile I hope they will not forget what they have learned with us, both in letters and in piety, so that I will not be forced to begin their instruction over again.” Cited and trans. by Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 100.Google Scholar

50 Lynn Martin, A. and Lukács, Ladislaus have each written about issues unique to Jesuit schools in the sixteenth century, but the problems they examined are quite different from the genre of obstacles that I consider here. Lukács’ carefully-reasoned and meticulously-researched analysis explored the (largely internal) controversies regarding Ignatius Loyola's original intentions and subsequent actions with regard to vows of poverty in Jesuit colleges and professed houses. Lukács argued that Loyola wanted to increase the number of small colleges, and that he saw no contradiction between vows of poverty and the endowments enjoyed by Jesuit colleges. Although the debate over poverty for religious men was by no means limited to the Jesuits, Loyola's solution was probably unique. Ladislaus Lukács, “De Origine Collegiorum Externorum deque Controversiis circa eorum Paupertatem Obortis, 1539–1608,” Archivium Historicum Societatis Jesu 39 (1960): 189–245, and ibid., 40 (1961): 3–89. For an abridged English translation, with introduction, see George Ganss, “The Origin of Jesuit Colleges for Externs and the Controversies about their Poverty, 1539–1608,” Woodstock Letters 91 (1962): 123–166, reprinted in Thomas H. Clancy, ed., An Introduction to Jesuit Life (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1976), 283–326. Lynn Martin concluded that many vocational crises of Jesuits in sixteenth-century France were unique to the Society of Jesus, just as the school-related problems in this essay were unique to Jesuit schoolmasters in Italy. A. Lynn Martin, “Vocational Crises and the Crisis in Vocations among Jesuits in France during the Sixteenth Century,” The Catholic Historical Review 72 (1986): 201–221.Google Scholar

51 ARSI, Epistolae Mixtae, 1: 454–456, cited and trans. in Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 26.Google Scholar

52 Camozzi, Ermengildo ed., Le istituzioni monastiche e religiose a Bergamo nel Seicento, 2 vols. (Bergamo: Tipografia Vescovile Secomandi, 1982), 2: 74.Google Scholar

53 Archivio Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Epp. Ext., 11, ff. 217r-218v; published in Camozzi, Le istituzioni, 2: 74.Google Scholar

54 Pasini, A. Cronache Scholastiche Forlivesi (Forlì: n.p., 1925), 85–86, cited by Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 74.Google Scholar

55 Monumenta Paedagogica, 3: 453.Google Scholar

56 Ibid.Google Scholar

57 Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 70.Google Scholar

58 Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta,“ 477.Google Scholar

59 Ibid, 477.Google Scholar

60 Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 73. The city council clearly changed its mind, perhaps swayed by Jesuit successes elsewhere in central Italy.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., 72.Google Scholar

62 Civica, Biblioteca “Angelo Mai“ di Bergamo (BCBg), Salone N 9 8/10 (6), Agostino Salvioni, Memorie Storiche delle vicende dei Gesuiti in Bergamo, f. 2r: “Tumultuoso assai fu questo comunale Congresso, ed acerbe ne furono le disputazioni.”Google Scholar

63 BCBg, AB 225 (6), Informazione sull'introduzione dei Gesuiti in Bergamo, f. 2: “ed ecco il turbine, che ha distrutta la quiete de cittadini divisi in rabbiose fazioni.”Google Scholar

64 BCBg, Archivio Storico del Comune, Azioni, vol. 43, ff. 156v-157r (31 Aug. 1591).Google Scholar

65 Donnelly, “The Jesuit College at Padua,“ 47–52; Cozzi, “Fortuna e sfortuna,“ 68–72; for the relevant bibliography, see Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta,” 481 n. 57.Google Scholar

66 Donnelly, “The Jesuit College at Padua,“ 47 52, 61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

67 ARSI, Ital. 160, f. 193v (28 Oct. 1591).Google Scholar

68 Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta,“ 487. Founded in the fourteenth century, the Fondaco dei Tedeschi was an association of German merchants who lived in Venice.Google Scholar

69 Ohl, Ronald “The University of Padua 1405–1509: An International Community of Students and Professors“ (Ph.D. diss, University of Pennsylvania, 1980), 59–61, cited by Nancy Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 62.Google Scholar

70 Possevino, Antonio Risposta di Teodoro Eugenio di Famagosta all'Aviso mandato fuori dal Signore Antonio Quirino senatore veneto, circa le ragioni che hanno mosso la santità di Paolo V pontefice a publicare l'interdetto sopra tutto il dominio vinitiano (Bologna, 1606), 55–56, cited by Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta,” 480–481.Google Scholar

71 Donnelly, “The Jesuit College at Padua,“ 48–49, 52; Cozzi, “Fortuna e sfortuna,“ 59–88. The Italian professors preferred to lecture on selected pages of a text (e.g., Aristotle) at great length, but with little concern for students’ overall grasp of an author or a subject. The Jesuit teachers thought that this lack of a systematic overview rendered the detailed knowledge of a text useless. The Italian professors responded that the Jesuit program was superficial.Google Scholar

72 Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 67.Google Scholar

73 Brizzi, “Scuole e collegi nell'antica Provincia Veneta,“ 485–487.Google Scholar

74 Donnelly, “The Jesuit College at Padua,“ 58.Google Scholar

75 Cozzi, “Fortuna e sfortuna,“ 83–89.Google Scholar

76 Carlsmith, Christopher “The Jesuits in Bergamo, 1570–1729,“ Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 70, n. 139 (Jan.-Jun. 2001): 71–93.Google Scholar

77 BCBg, Salvioni, Agostino Memorie Storiche, ff. 1r-v. With regard to Jesuit actions in 1573, Salvioni wrote “Ma non bene esaminato il terreno, posero piede in fallo…” With regard to 1591, Salvioni noted, “Ma il corpo de’ Consiglieri, cui i Gesuiti non erano a sangue, sdegnassi sentirne a parlare; per ben due volte rigetto la proposta Commissione.”Google Scholar

78 BCBg, Informazione, f. 2v. “Certamente un numero copioso dei Padri Fratelli, Cognati, ed Agnati dei soggetti del’ corpo di questa religione, specialmente proibiti per lo statute di Bergamo a votare, è quantunque siasi ballottata la religione, e non personalmente alcuno di Padri, è però innegabile…che se non fossero stati acciecati i votanti da riguardi del sangue, e del privato interesse, non si sarebbero sovvertite le buone massime di tenere lontana questa religione, come consta dalle parti antiche e recente del Consiglio di Bergamo….”Google Scholar

79 D'Alessandro, Alessandro “Materiali per la storia dello studium di Parma (1545–1622),“ in Gian Paolo Brizzi, ed., Università, Principe, Gesuiti: La politica farnesiana dell'istruzione a Parma e Piacenza (1545–1622) (Rome: Bulzoni, 1980), 15–95, esp. 27–31.Google Scholar

80 O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 231.Google Scholar

81 Monumenta Paedagogica 4: 552–554.Google Scholar

82 Ibid., 4: 649–652. Carlo Borromeo was archbishop of Milan and a key reformer during and after the Council of Trent.Google Scholar

83 See O'Malley, The First Jesuits, ch. 8, for a discussion of Jesuit conflict with other branches of the Catholic Church such as bishops, popes, the Holy Office, and the Council of Trent. Andrea Ferri's study of the sixteenth-century Jesuit colleges in the Emilia-Romagna region agrees with Paul Grendler in concluding that ecclesiastical institutions were not at the forefront of founding and encouraging colleges; instead it was the civic authorities that more often created schools and hired schoolmasters. Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 78.Google Scholar

84 Lyon, For see Monumenta Paedagogica, 3: 409–412; for Paris, see Martin, The Jesuit Mind. Google Scholar

85 Martin, A. Lynn has estimated that the average number of Jesuits per college dropped from twenty-seven in 1565 to only nineteen per institution ten years later; and of course a substantial percentage of those would have been novices unavailable to provide full service. Such a low number of Jesuit teachers might have been feasible in a small school, but some Jesuit colleges (e.g., Clermont in Paris) had thousands of students. Martin, “Vocational Crises,” 209–210.Google Scholar

86 O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 227–228. See also Monumenta Paedagogica, 4: 343. For complaints by Jesuit rectors in France, see Martin, “Vocational Crises,” 210–211.Google Scholar

87 Monumenta Ignatiana, V, 733, cited by Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 101.Google Scholar

88 Monumenta Paedagogica, 4: 644–646; ibid., 3: 365–366.Google Scholar

89 Monumenta Paedagogica, 3: 262–263; ibid., 3: 396–397. Many of these decisions to limit expansion appear in the records of the General Congregation; see Padberg, John W. O'Keefe, Martin D., and McCarthy, John L. eds., For Matters of Greater Moment: The First Thirty General Congregations, A Brief History and a Translation of Their Decrees (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1994), 5–8, 113–114, 119, 133–134, 148.Google Scholar

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92 Ferri, I Gesuiti a Imola, 69.Google Scholar

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96 Ibid., 4: 594–595.Google Scholar

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99 See Schwickerath, Jesuit Education, for a passionate refutation of these views. Nor were such criticisms confined to Protestants; the Dominican Melchior Cano was one of the Jesuits’ most outspoken critics, accusing them of excessive leniency with lay penitents and of failing to observe traditional observances of regular clergy such as choir and mortification. See Constance Jones Mathers, “Early Spanish Qualms About Loyola and the Society of Jesus,” The Historian 53 (1991): 686–687.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100 Monumenta Paedagogica, 3: 340–341.Google Scholar

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109 Ibid., 1: 158; 2: 29, 95; Constitutions, 486; O'Malley, The First Jesuits, 221.Google Scholar

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111 Ibid., 4: 604–605. Despite Constitutions, 359 (cited above in n. 32), the answer was negative.Google Scholar

112 Ibid., 3:258.Google Scholar

113 Cited in Homann, Frederick A. Church, Culture and Curriculum, 25.Google Scholar

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