Article contents
Slavery and Freedom in the British West Indies, 1823–33: The Role of Education
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
Extract
“Rule Britannia, Britannia rules the waves; Britons, never, never, never, shall be slaves.” So ran the popular eighteenth-century, nationalistic, freedom song. The people of Britain were proud of their liberties and would fight to uphold them against the hated French enemy. But would slaves ever be Britons? Would slaves ever be free? These questions were very real because during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries hundreds of thousands of black, African slaves were transported to the British West Indian colonies, where the majority labored on sugar plantations.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © 1990 by the History of Education Society
References
1. The song was adapted from Thomson's, James poem Alfred, 1740, act 2, sc. 5.Google Scholar
2. See Dunn, Richard S., Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1972).Google Scholar
3. The Leewards include St. Kitts, Nevis, Montserrat, and Antigua.Google Scholar
4. Higman, B. W., “Slavery and the Development of Demographic Theory in the Age of the Industrial Revolution,” in Slavery and British Society, 1776–1846, ed. Walvin, James (Baton Rouge, La., 1982), 167.Google Scholar
5. Geggus, David, “British Opinion and the Emergence of Haiti, 1791–1805,” in Slavery and British Society, ed. Walvin, , 123–49.Google Scholar
6. Davis, David Brion, “The Emergence of Immediatism in British and American Anti-Slavery Thought,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 49 (Sep. 1962): 216.Google Scholar
7. For details about amelioration, see Murray, D. J., The West Indies and the Development of Colonial Government (Oxford, 1965); Mathieson, William Law, British Slavery and Its Abolition, 1823–1838 (London, 1926); and Klingberg, Frank J., The Anti-Slavery Movement in England: A Study in English Humanitarianism (New Haven, Conn., 1926).Google Scholar
8. Coleridge, Henry Nelson, Six Months in the West Indies in 1825 (New York, 1970 reprint), 326. Henry Nelson Coleridge was a cousin of Bishop William Hart Coleridge. Both were nephews of Samuel Taylor Coleridge.Google Scholar
9. William Shrewsbury to Methodist Missionary Society, 11 Sep. 1820, M.M.S. Archives, London.Google Scholar
10. Educational development has been seen as social reform, social control, and, most recently, as social and cultural “hegemony.” See especially Johnson, Richard, “Educational Policy and Social Control in Early Victorian England,” Past and Present 49 (Nov. 1970): 96–119; Thompson, F. M. L., “Social Control in Victorian Britain,” Economic History Review 34 (May 1981): 189–208; Wiener, Martin J., ed., “Humanitarianism or Control? A Symposium on Aspects of Nineteenth-Century Social Reform in Britain and America,” Rice University Studies 67 (Winter 1981): 1–84; Graff, Harvey J., The Legacies of Literacy: Continuities and Contradictions in Western Culture and Society (Bloomington, Ind., 1987), 11 Antonio Gramsci's term “hegemony” appears too subtle to be used in the context of the source material for this article, although I am aware of its interpretive value.Google Scholar
11. Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 1–101. Patterson's thesis is controversial, and slaves certainly had social relations that were not considered legitimate.Google Scholar
12. Finley, Moses, “Slavery,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 14 (New York, 1968): 307–13.Google Scholar
13. Craton, Michael, “Slave Culture, Resistance, and the Achievement of Emancipation in the British West Indies, 1783–1838,” in Slavery and British Society, ed. Walvin, , 101.Google Scholar
14. Wardle, David, English Popular Education, 1780–1970 (Cambridge, 1970), 25.Google Scholar
15. Augier, F. R. and Gordon, Shirley C., comp., Sources of West Indian History (London, 1962), 94.Google Scholar
16. Dunn, , Sugar and Slaves, 249. Catholicism did not demand Bible reading and lettered instruction, and Dunn thinks this partly explained different religious practice in Latin America, where slaves were routinely baptized.Google Scholar
17. Patterson, , Slavery and Social Death, 73.Google Scholar
18. Stone, Lawrence, “Literacy and Education in England, 1640–1900,” Past and Present 42 (Feb. 1969): 78.Google Scholar
19. Genovese, Eugene D., Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York, 1976), 561.Google Scholar
20. Craton, , “Slave Culture” in Slavery and British Society, ed. Walvin, , 107–8.Google Scholar
21. Turner, Mary, Slaves and Missionaries: The Disintegration of Jamaican Slave Society, 1787–1834 (Urbana, Ill., 1982), 30.Google Scholar
22. Mission work and anti-slavery intersected. See Duncan Rice, C., “The Missionary Context of the British Anti-Slavery Movement,” in Slavery and British Society, 1776–1846, ed. Walvin, , 150–63.Google Scholar
23. For details see Bolt, Christine and Drescher, Seymour, eds., Anti-Slavery, Religion, and Reform: Essays in Memory of Roger Anstey (Folkstone, 1980); Eltis, David and Walvin, James, eds., The Abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Origins and Effects in Europe, Africa, and the Americas (Madison, Wis., 1981); and Davis, David Brion, Slavery and Human Progress (Oxford, 1984).Google Scholar
24. Murray, , The West Indies and the Development of Colonial Government, 127–45.Google Scholar
25. Craton, Michael, “Christianity and Slavery in the British West Indies, 1750–1865,” Historical Reflections 9 (Fall 1982): 403–19.Google Scholar
26. Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 102.Google Scholar
27. Murray, , The West Indies and the Development of Colonial Government, 131.Google Scholar
28. Goodridge, Sehon S., Facing the Challenge of Emancipation: A Study of the Ministry of William Hart Coleridge, First Bishop of Barbados, 1824–1842 (Bridgetown, 1981).Google Scholar
29. Turner, Mary, “The Bishop of Jamaica and Slave Instruction,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 26 (Oct. 1975): 363–78.Google Scholar
30. Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 86.Google Scholar
31. I focus on developments in Jamaica, Barbados, and Antigua that together had over half the total slave numbers in the British West Indies at emancipation.Google Scholar
32. Educational data are derived from “Extracts from Returns Relating to the Slave Population in the West Indies,” Parliamentary Papers (hereafter PP), 1831–32, vol. 47, 1–88 and appendices. For further details consult Turner, Slaves and Missionaries, 87–88, and Blouet, Olwyn M., “To Make Society Safe for Freedom: Slave Education in Barbados,” Journal of Negro History 65 (Spring 1980): 126–34.Google Scholar
33. Laqueur, Thomas Walter, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and English Working Class Culture, 1780–1850 (New Haven, 1976).Google Scholar
34. PP, 1831–32, vol. 47, pp. 6–20 and Enclosure no. 6.Google Scholar
35. Ibid., 25–30.Google Scholar
36. Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 87.Google Scholar
37. PP, 1831–32, vol. 47, p. 76.Google Scholar
38. Ibid., 6.Google Scholar
39. In the parish of St. Paul, Antigua, it was noted “on almost every estate the children are instructed in the Church catechism, and are taught by some of the better informed negroes to read.” Ibid.Google Scholar
40. “Report from the Select Committee on the Extinction of Slavery throughout the British Dominions,” PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 533.Google Scholar
41. PP, 1831–32, vol. 47, Enclosure no. 6. In Barbados the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ran a Sunday school on its Codrington estate from 1795 and an updated day school from 1819. See Harry Bennett, J., Bondsmen and Bishops: Slavery and Apprenticeship on the Codrington Plantations of Barbados, 1710–1838 (Berkeley, Calif., 1958).Google Scholar
42. Church Missionary Society, West Indies Mission, C.W./03, Jamaica Auxiliary CMS Minutes and Correspondence, 1830–36, Microform, E. P. Google Scholar
43. “Bishop Coleridge's Notebook 1824–28,” X10/2, 56 and 195, Barbados Archives.Google Scholar
44. Hannah More did not allow writing instruction for the poor in her Sunday schools in England. See Soltow, Lee and Stevens, Edward, The Rise of Literacy and the Common School in the United States: A Socioeconomic Analysis to 1870 (Chicago, 1981), 13.Google Scholar
45. Shrewsbury to Methodist Missionary Society, 20 Dec. 1820, MMS Archives. Methodists were not popular with the Barbadian planters. Shrewsbury's chapel was destroyed, and he fled the island in 1823.Google Scholar
46. Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 72.Google Scholar
47. PP, 1831–32, vol. 47, p. 25.Google Scholar
48. Porteus, Bishop to Seaforth, Lord, 15 Oct. 1801, reel 6, vol. 16, Fulham Papers, London, University Microfilms.Google Scholar
49. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 58. For a discussion of the split in the Anglicans between the high church party and the evangelicals, see Pinnington, J. E., “The Anglican Church in the Catholic Caribbean: The Church Missionary Society in Trinidad, 1836–44,” Journal of Caribbean History 1 (1970): 25–27.Google Scholar
50. For general information about teaching methods consult Gosden, P. H. J. H., comp., How They Were Taught (Oxford, 1969); and Hurt, John, Education in Evolution: Church, State, Society, and Popular Education, 1800–1870 (London, 1971).Google Scholar
51. CMS “Barbados Colonial Charity School, Lesson 21,” C.W./04, Microform, E. P. Google Scholar
52. SPCK Annual Report (London, 1828). The items included Bibles, prayer books, and the National Society elementary school books. Some would be used in schools for whites and free coloreds.Google Scholar
53. Christian Faith Society, F/2, 1 and 61, Lambeth Palace Library. The Society for the Conversion and Religious Instruction of the Negro Population was founded originally in 1794. It was revived in 1823 by members of the West India Committee to finance curates and teachers in the West Indies. See Turner, , “Bishop of Jamaica,” 368. From 1835 it became known as the Christian Faith Society, and its primary documents are listed under that heading.Google Scholar
54. Ibid., 171.Google Scholar
55. Quoted in Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 88.Google Scholar
56. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 51.Google Scholar
57. Ibid., 255. For details about Knibb, William, consult Wright, Philip, Knibb “The Notorious”: Slave's Missionary, 1803–1845 (London, 1973).Google Scholar
58. In Barbados, for instance, slaves had to be baptized and instructed in the Christian religion to be eligible to give evidence. See Levy, Claude, “Barbados: The Last Years of Slavery, 1823–33,” Journal of Negro History 44 (Oct. 1959): 308–45.Google Scholar
59. This was also the case in the Southern United States. See Anderson, James D., The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988). Anderson refers to independent “native” schools. I have not found any reference to similar schools in the West Indies but, after emancipation, many “private schools” were operating.Google Scholar
60. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, pp. 68–69.Google Scholar
61. Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 89–90.Google Scholar
62. PP, 1831–32, vol. 47, pp. 1–88. Teachers were from four groups: 1. Europeans sent over by nonconformist missionary societies or the Church of England; 2. whites engaged in the colonies; 3. adult free-colored and free black locals; 4. slaves who had received education in local schools.Google Scholar
63. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 257, Evidence of William Knibb.Google Scholar
64. Craton, Michael, Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies (Ithaca, N.Y., 1982). Slaves would not have to read books to be considered literate.Google Scholar
65. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, pp. 170–71. Thorp was in favor of teaching slaves to read. He noted that oral instruction was common in the Anglican areas of Jamaica. He visited twenty-four estates to see how the catechists (mostly “free browns”) operated. Thorp pointed out that the Methodists were very active, with three institutions in his own parish, although he did not know how successful they were at imparting literacy.Google Scholar
66. Ibid., 255. Knibb estimated he had about 2,500 “inquirers.”Google Scholar
67. Reverend Charles Cummins to Jackson, John, 4 Sep. 1834, Inwards, F. C., British and Foreign Bible Society Archives. Total population figures are taken from Jerome S. Handler, Unappropriated People: Freedmen in the Slave Society of Barbados (Baltimore, 1974), 18–19.Google Scholar
68. Rooke, Patricia T., “The Pedagogy of Conversion: Missionary Education to Slaves in the British West Indies, 1800–1833,” Paedagogica Historica 18 (1978): 372. Rooke emphasized that missionaries were “Pedagogues whose goals required pedagogical means, systematized instruction and discrete content” (356). See also her “The World They Made: The Politics of Missionary Education to British West Indian Slaves, 1800–1833,” Caribbean Studies 18 (Oct. 1977/June 1978): 47–67. Rooke minimized the conservative social stance of missionaries and saw them as powerful change agents.Google Scholar
69. Many people believed that the end of slavery was a long time away. Only in 1831 and 1832 did the idea of immediate abolition gain widespread support. See Davis, , “Emergence of Immediatism,” 229. Several factors were important in this change in attitude, including West Indian legislative prevarication concerning amelioration, and the actions of the slaves themselves, demonstrated in the Jamaica Rebellion of 1831. The Reform of Parliament in 1832 was crucial to the cause of anti-slavery, as were petitions and organized support in England. For a recent listing of factors, see Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 (London, 1988), 465. For parliamentary details see Gross, Izhak, “The Abolition of Negro Slavery and British Parliamentary Politics, 1832–33,” Historical Journal 23 (Mar. 1980): 63–85. See also Reckord, Mary, “The Colonial Office and the Abolition of Slavery,” Historical Journal 14 (1971): 723–34; and Richard Hart, Slaves Who Abolished Slavery (Mona, Jamaica, 1980).Google Scholar
70. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, pp. 257–58.Google Scholar
71. Disturbances were widespread and occurred in Demerara, and Jamaica, (1823–24) and in Antigua, Bahamas, Jamaica, and Tortola (1831–33). Craton, , Testing the Chains, 335–39. Planters blamed education and Christianization, and imperial government interference, for fueling the flames of resistance.Google Scholar
72. Ibid., 312–16. See also Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 148–78.Google Scholar
73. Craton, , Testing the Chains, 317–18.Google Scholar
74. Turner, Mary, “The Baptist War and Abolition,” Jamaican Historical Review 13 (1982): 31–41.Google Scholar
75. Many of the rebellious slaves combined membership in a missionary Baptist church in Jamaica, with leadership in the independent Baptist sect known as “Native Baptist.” See Turner, , Slaves and Missionaries, 152 and 58.Google Scholar
76. Ibid., 152.Google Scholar
77. Craton, , Testing the Chains, 299.Google Scholar
78. Ibid., 294.Google Scholar
79. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 199, Evidence of Vice Admiral Fleming, Charles. The oral and print culture existed side by side. Graff, The Legacies of Literacy, 331.Google Scholar
80. Ibid., 244–45.Google Scholar
81. Ibid., 523.Google Scholar
82. “Report from the Select Committee on the Extinction of Slavery throughout the British Dominions,” PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, pp. 1–655.Google Scholar
83. Ibid., 68–69, Evidence of Methodist Reverend Barry, John.Google Scholar
84. Ibid., 171–72.Google Scholar
85. Ibid., 199. Fleming did not think that many slaves could yet read in the West Indies.Google Scholar
86. Ibid., 160.Google Scholar
87. Ibid., 259.Google Scholar
88. Ibid., 139–40.Google Scholar
89. Ibid., 280.Google Scholar
90. Quoted by Smith, Robert Worthington, “The Attempt of British Humanitarianism to Modify Chattel Slavery,” in British Humanitarianism: Essays Honoring Frank J. Klingberg by His Former Doctoral Students at the University of California, Los Angeles, ed. McCulloch, Samuel Clyde (Philadelphia, 1950), 176.Google Scholar
91. PP, 1831–32, vol. 20, p. 355.Google Scholar
92. Ibid., 304, Evidence of Captain Charles Williams, Hamden.Google Scholar
93. Graff, , The Legacies of Literacy, 328.Google Scholar
94. Gordon, Shirley, “The Negro Education Grant, 1835–45: Its Application to Jamaica,” British Journal of Educational Studies 6 (1958): 140–50; and Campbell, Carl, “Towards an Imperial Policy for the Education of Negroes in the West Indies after Emancipation,” Jamaican Historical Review 7 (1967): 68–102. When slavery was abolished, an apprenticeship period followed that terminated in 1838.Google Scholar
- 11
- Cited by