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Nicholas I and Jewish Education
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
Extract
The Enunciation of the tripartite slogan of “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality” by Count S. S. Uvarov in December of 1832 provided a brief but ill-defined slogan for the reign of Nicholas I (1825–1855). These words served as a convenient prescription for policies in all fields and affected all the peoples of the empire, but Uvarov, as Minister of Public Instruction from 1833 to 1849, possessed particular advantages in translating his own theory into educational policy. The first two terms of the motto caused little conceptual confusion; few inhabitants in the Russian Empire misunderstood the rock-hard meaning of Orthodoxy or autocracy. Nationality (narodnost’) supposedly meant the promotion of those elements which made Russia unique among nations. But what elements were to be singled out and what means should be employed to promote them? In practice, official nationality encompassed the other two terms by training the citizens of the empire to serve the church and the state, promoting Russian patriotism, and emphasizing Russian national culture. In Uvarov's scheme, the school became a tool of official nationality.
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References
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1. See Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. Nicholas I and Official Nationality in Russia, 1825–1855 (Berkeley, California, 1959). Also the same author's “‘Nationality’ in the State Ideology during the Reign of Nicholas I,” Russian Review 19 (January, 1960): 38–46. For a brief summary, see Thaden, Edward C. Conservative Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Russia (Seattle, Washington, 1964), pp. 19–24.Google Scholar
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26. Ginsburg, “Max Lilienthal's Activities:“ 44–49. The reaction to Lilienthal reflected the divisions existing among Russian Jews. While many opposed any steps toward secular education and assimiliation, others supported both. Conversion to Orthodoxy engendered strong opposition, but less stress upon the study of the Talmud found favor among adherents of the emerging Haskalah or Jewish enlightenment. This divisiveness surely encouraged Uvarov to energetically pursue the more extreme goals of the government.Google Scholar
27. Beletskii, Vopros, p. 66. Foreign Jews did come to Russia but, as with Sir Moses Montefiore of England, did not promote Uvarov's educational scheme.Google Scholar
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29. Levanda, Polnyi no. 462, pp. 530–531.Google Scholar
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32. The commission was originally to have four rabbis, but only two were named. The commission was divided on Uvarov's policy. See Levitats, Jewish Community in Russia, p. 75; Dubnow, Jews in Russia and Poland, II, 56–57; Beletskii, Vopros, pp. 69–73.Google Scholar
33. Levanda, Polnyi, no. 505, pp. 574–576.Google Scholar
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35. Quoted in Rozhdestvenskii, Istoricheskii, p. 295.Google Scholar
36. Ibid., Dubnow, Jews in Russia and Poland, 2, 57.Google Scholar
37. Ibid., p. 59.Google Scholar
38. Levanda, Polnyi, no. 505. pp. 574–576; No. 509. pp. 577–590; No. 510. pp. 590–594.Google Scholar
39. Professor Thaden, Edward C. has suggested to me that the restriction of the kahal by Nicholas has parallels to the destruction of corporations and estates in western Europe. Although separated in time, the two developments had a similar result: the polizei staat or the absolutist bureaucratic state.Google Scholar
40. Beletskii, Vopros, p. 147.Google Scholar
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