No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
“A More Meaningful Democracy than We Ourselves Possess”: Charles S. Johnson and the Education Mission to Japan, 1945–1952
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 January 2017
Extract
“Recommendations in the report,” stated Charles S. Johnson, “have implications for our own educational system, and perhaps for our own society.” Johnson, a sociologist and Fisk University's first African-American president, addressed the 1948 South Central Forum in Chicago discussing the fundamental inconsistencies existing between democracy recommended in occupied Japan's education system and the democracy practiced in America's education system. The report Johnson's speech refers to was the product of the Education Mission to Japan: a twenty-seven-member American committee selected for their expertise as educators and scholars. Charged with an advisory role to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP) and the Japanese Ministry of Education (JME), the committee's primary objective extended from SCAP's overall mission: to democratize and mollify postwar Japan. Johnson, a civil rights advocate and race relations scholar, was the sole African American and only nonwhite member of this committee.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © 2014 History of Education Society
References
1 Johnson, Charles S., “Educating Japan for Democracy” (Paper presented at the South Central Forum, Chicago, 17 February 1948), 7, file 6, box 161, Johnson, Charles S. Papers, University, Fisk, Hope, John and Aurelia, E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
2 Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Education in the New Japan, Vol. 1 (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948), 139.Google Scholar
3 Wide-ranging scholarship exists recounting the United States occupation mission in Japan. Although interpretations have altered since the narrative's earliest versions, a historiographical consensus regarding occupational motives remains constant. Democratization, demilitarization, and economic expansion are the common threads that appear in Martin, Edwin M., The Allied Occupation of Japan (New York: American Institute of Pacific Relations, 1948), 39, 46; Harries, Meirion and Harries, Susie, Sheathing the Sword: The Demilitarisation of Japan (New York: Macmillan Publishing, 1987), 33, 85; Finn, Richard B., Winners in Peace: MacArthur, Yosbida, and Postwar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 43; Brines, Russell, MacArthur's Japan (Philadelphia, PA: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1948), 44; Cohen, Theodore, Remaking Japan: The American Occupation as New Deal, ed. Passin, Herbert (New York: The Free Press, 1987), 2; and LaFeber, Writer, The Clash: A History of U.S. – Japanese Relations throughout History (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1997), 266.Google Scholar
4 Humanitarian efforts were rooted in Progressive Era social-reform movements that helped justify American imperialist action throughout South America, the Caribbean, and Pacific regions. This is also tied to a larger Orientalist perception in which Western imperial powers—primarily Britain, France, and the United States—justify imperialist action to civilize and modernize non-European, non-Christian, and non-Western Others. For further discussion on Orientalism, see Conklin, Alice L., A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997); Little, Douglas, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008); Said, Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); and Ballantyne, Tony, Orientalism and Race: Aryanism in the British Empire (Houndsmills: Palgrave, 2002). For further discussion on progressive and humanitarian imperialism, see Howard Gillette, Jr., “The Military Occupation of Cuba, 1899–1902: Workshop for American Progressivism,” American Quarterly 25, no. 4 (October 1973): 410–25; Morley, Ian, “The Cultural Expansion of America: Imperialism, Civic Design and the Philippines in the Early 1900s,” European Journal of American Culture 29, no. 3 (2010): 229–51; Israel, Jerry, Progressivism and the Open Door: America and China, 1905–1921(Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971); John Chambers, Whiteclay II, The Tyranny of Change: America in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000); and Leuchtenburg, William E., “Progressivism and Imperialism: The Progressive Movement and American Foreign Policy, 1898–1916,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 39, no. 3 (December 1952): 483–504.Google Scholar
5 Johnson, Charles S., “AMinority View: Manners, Morals and Democracy,” (Scrap-book vol. 2, 1946), 1, file 4, box 140, Charles, S. Johnson Papers, University, Fisk, Hope, John and Franklin, Aurelia E. Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
6 Johnson recognizing and openly addressing these democratic inconsistencies is a valuable insight to not only Johnson, but also the larger body of scholarship pertaining to race relations and civil rights during the early postwar era.Google Scholar
7 Evidence suggests that as early as 1941, the United States began planning for military and diplomatic actions toward Japan in the presupposed victory. Early discussion recognized the need for occupation and re-education. However, because emphasis is placed on the Education Mission's significance and influence on Johnson's scholarship, I have framed my argument between 1945 and 1952 paralleling the defeat, surrender, and occupation of Japan. Discussion of Johnson's early life and career will be presented within this paper's body, but is simply used to contextualize Johnson's experiences and development as a scholar.Google Scholar
8 Competition for regional and Pacific control was a major contention between Japan and the Soviet Union. This erupted into open conflict during the 1904 Russo-Japanese War that ended from a brokered peace agreement by the United States. For further discussion on these tensions, see Charles T. Payne, The Russo-Japanese War Impact on Western Military Thought Prior to 1914 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990); Wells, David and Wilson, Sandra, The Russo-Japanese War in Cultural Perspective, 1904–05 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); Sedgwick, F. R., The Russo-Japanese War: A Sketch: First Period, the Concentration (London: S. Sonnenschein, 1909); Lensen, George Alexander, The Russian Push toward Japan; Russo-Japanese Relations, 1697–1875 (New York: Octagon Books, 1971); Dennett, Tyler, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War (Gloucester, MA: P. Smith, 1959) and Lafeber, The Clash, 231.Google Scholar
9 Many of the aforementioned authors contextualize the occupation as a Cold War containment strategy by preventing the Soviet Union from entering Japan. Other scholars that share this view include Schonberger, Howard B., Aftermath of War: Americans and the Remaking of Japan, 1945–1952 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1989), 113; Kawai, Kazuo, Japan's American Interlude (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), 160; Schaller, Michael, Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 19; and Sugita, Yoneyuki, Pitfall or Panacea: The Irony of US Power in Occupied Japan 1945–1952 (New York: Routledge, 2003), 29.Google Scholar
10 Johnson, Charles S., “Education of Negroes in the Post-War World,” (1952), 1, file 12, box 161, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
11 Martin, Edwin M., The Allied Occupation of Japan; Harries, Meirion and Harries, Susie, Sheathing the Sword: The Demilitarisation of Japan; Finn, Richard, Winners in Peace: MacArthur, Yoshida, and Postwar Japan; Brines, Russell, MacArthur's Japan and Theodore Cohen and Herbert Passin, Remaking Japan: The American Occupation as New Deal. Google Scholar
12 Many scholars analyzing the Education Mission to Japan have focused on top-down policy directives from SCAP. Mainly, this discussion centers on administrative restructuring, screening, and purging of potentially subversive teachers and instilling American-style democratic values in the school system. For a closer look at this discussion, see Angulo, A. J., Empire and Education: A History of Greed and Goodwill from the War of 1898 to the War on Terror (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 88–89; Beauchamp, Edward R., “The Development of Japanese Educational Policy, 1945–85,” History of Education Quarterly 27, no. 3 (Autumn 1987): 302; Martin, Edwin M., The Allied Occupation of Japan, 60; Kawai, Kazuo, Japan's American Interlude, 183; Harries, Meirion and Harries, Susie, Sheathing the Sword: The Demilitarisation of Japan, 62; and Nishi, Toshio, Unconditional Democracy: Education and Politics in Occupied Japan, 1945–1952 (Redwood City, CA: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1982), 3. Few authors have discussed education beyond structural reforms. Those who have include Nishi, Unconditional Democracy: Education and Politics in Occupied Japan, 1945–1952, 199; and Thakur, Yoko H., “History Textbook Reform in Allied Occupied Japan, 1945–52,” History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 3 (Autumn 1995): 261–78, 261. Other than policy, Nishi discusses reforms to democratize the Japanese language by instituting Katakana: a simple form of writing known by a larger portion of the Japanese population. Both Nishi and Thakur discuss revisions made to Japanese textbooks that replace nationalistic and militaristic language with democratic language. Furthermore, Nishi and Thakur focus on the attempted American imposed political, social, and cultural changes on occupied Japan in connection with education, but do little in analyzing America's cultural and political values informing this occupation nor discuss any potential inconsistencies existing between democracy imposed on the Japanese and democracy practiced in the United States. By filling in these gaps, this essay will help inform how America was situated globally during the early postwar era in its rush for ideological dominance against the Soviet Union. Ultimately, this essay will identify the connections among American-style democracy, Western imperialism, Orientalism, American Civil Rights, and the Cold War that all intersect at a single point: the education mission in occupied Japan. Charles, S. Johnson's involvement with—and his scholarship during and after—this mission provides valuable insight that binds these intersecting themes together. This essay will bring this connection to the foreground that will add to the overall narrative of education and democracy in the United States.Google Scholar
13 The Education Mission's recommendations were utilized in policies that restructured Japan's education system toward democracy. In this case democracy refers not only to a pedagogical and curricular shift from militarism and ultranationalism to Western democratic ideals and values, but also democracy in the sense of abolishing discriminatory practices that limited certain groups while propelling others within Japanese society. Evidence of this dual implementation of democracy can be found in several primary documents regarding the education mission and policies including Japan. Guide to New Education in Japan (Tokyo: Ministry of Education, 1946); Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. Education in the New Japan. Vol. 1 (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948) and United States. Education mission to Japan. Report of the United States Education Mission to Japan (Washington, DC: U.S. Govt. Print. Off, 1946).Google Scholar
14 Valuable sources regarding the life and work of Johnson, Charles S. exist and were consulted for this paper. Although each of these works thoroughly discusses Johnson's connection to civil rights and his sociological work in race relations, little attention is paid to the scholar's time in Japan or the connections between the Education Mission and Johnson's views on democracy in America. For a detailed account about Johnson's work with the Civil Rights movement and race relations see Sanders, Katrina M., “Intelligent and Effective Direction”: The Fisk University Race Relations Institute and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 1944–1969 (New York: Peter Lang, 2005); Dunne, Matthew William, “Next Steps: Charles S. Johnson and Southern Liberalism,” Journal of Negro History 73, no. 1 (Winter 1998): 1–34; Gilpin, Patrick J., “Charles S. Johnson: An Intellectual Biography” (PhD dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1973); Gilpin, Patrick J. and Gasman, Marybeth, Charles S. Johnson: Leadership beyond the Veil in the Age of Jim Crow (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003); and Richard Robbins, Sideline Activists: Charles S. Johnson and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1996). Gilpin and Gasman provide a chapter regarding Johnson's work abroad focusing on the sociologist's involvement with UNESCO in September of 1946. The chapter begins with a discussion regarding Johnson's time in Japan concluding that his involvement was influential and had a significant impact on the education committee's final report. Furthermore, Gilpin and Gasman discuss Johnson's interest between American civil rights and colonial struggles in the world abroad, but this largely pertains to Johnson's time with UNESCO and is separate from the mission in Japan. Reference to these findings can be located in Gilpin, Patrick J. and Gasman, Marybeth, “Internationalism: World War II and the Cold War,” in Charles S. Johnson: Leadership beyond the Veil in the Age of Jim Crow, 201. Furthermore, Gilpin's dissertation—Charles S. Johnson: An Intellectual Biography—provides deeper analysis of Johnson's time in Japan and the inferred influence the sociologist had on the Education Mission's recommendations. Also, Gilpin begins to connect Johnson's view of race relations with his time in Japan. However, much of the discussion regarding Johnson and international race relations focuses on UNESCO and tends to downplay Japan's influence. This paper will attempt to fill that gap by showing how Johnson's writings and addresses point directly to Japan as a democratic model that the United States should emulate. The irony, of course, is that the democratic practices Japan implemented were recommended by the United States. Again, Johnson was pointing out the inconsistency between democracy recommended and democracy practiced.Google Scholar
15 A wide range of historians have discussed the discrepancies and connections between the ideological stances that America professed during World War II and the Cold War with consideration to democratic practices at home in the United States. For recent scholarship linking democracy with gender, race, and ethnicity during these periods, see Hayashi, Brian Masaru, Democratizing the Enemy: The Japanese American Internment (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004); Kryder, Daniel, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Gore, Dayo F., Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War (New York: New York University Press, 2011); Castledine, Jacqueline L., Cold War Progressives: Women's Interracial Organizing for Peace and Freedom (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2012); Graves, Karen L., And They Were Wonderful Teachers: Florida's Purge of Gay and Lesbian Teachers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009); Kruse, Kevin M. and Tuck, Stephen, Fog of War: The Second World War and the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012); Höhn, Maria and Klimke, Martin, A Breath of Freedom: The Civil Rights Struggle, African American GIs, and Germany (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Dudziak, Mary L., Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); Krenn, Michael L., Race and U.S. Foreign Policy During the Cold War (New York: Garland, 1998); Borstelmann, Thomas, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003); Richard Griswold del Castillo, World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights (Austin: University of Texas Press. 2008).Google Scholar
16 For further reading regarding the African-American struggle for equal education, see Bullock, Henry Allen, A History of Negro Education in the South: From 1619 to the Present (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967); Anderson, James D., The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Higham, John, ed., Civil Rights and Social Wrongs: Black – White Relations since World War II (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997); Rury, John L. and Hill, Shirley A., The African American Struggle for Secondary Schooling, 1940–1980: Closing the Graduation Gap (New York: Teachers College Press, 2011); Sanders, Katrina M., “Intelligent and Effective Direction”: The Fisk University Race Relations Institute and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 1944–1969 (New York: Peter Lang, 2005); Johnson, Larry, Cobb-Roberts, Deirdre, and Shircliffe, Barbara, “African Americans and the Struggle for Opportunity in Florida Public Higher Education, 1947–1977,” History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 3 (August 2007): 197–221; and de Schweinitz, Rebecca, If We Could Change the World: Young People and America's Long Struggle for Racial Equality (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).Google Scholar
17 For further reading about the impact World War II and the Cold War had on American education, see Hartman, Andrew, Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Dorn, Charles, American Education, Democracy, and the Second World War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Giordano, Gerard, Wartime Schools: How World War II Changed American Education (New York: Peter Lang, 2004); Spring, Joel, The Sorting Machine Revisited: National Educational Policy Since 1945 (New York: Longman, 1989); Watras, Joseph, “UNESCO's Programme of Fundamental Education, 1946–1959,” History of Education Quarterly 39, no. 2 (March 2010): 219–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 A Bachelor of Philosophy (PhB) is a graduate-level degree equivalent to a masters degree.Google Scholar
19 As an academic mentor and advisor to Johnson, Charles S., Park, Robert was a notable sociologist and is often regarded as the “father of race relations” scholarship. The Park model argues that race relations tend to adjust to societal altering events such as war, famine, or natural disasters. Johnson took this a step further arguing that other interventions could shift: race relations. Johnson and Park collaborated on many projects including the study on the Chicago race riots published in 1922. Further discussion about Park's influence on Johnson's life and career can be located in Gilpin, Patrick J. and Gasman, Marybeth, Charles S. Johnson, 31; and Richard Robbins, Sidelines Activist, 3–4.Google Scholar
20 Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro in Chicago: A Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922), xvii.Google Scholar
21 Ibid., 640.Google Scholar
22 Gilpin and Gasman, Charles S. Johnson, 6; and Robbins, Sidelines Activist, 26.Google Scholar
23 Founded in 1910, the New York City-based National Urban League, began as an organization seeking social equality and economic equity for African Americans. For further reading about toe Urban League, see Moore, Jesse Thomas, A Search for Equality: The National Urban League, 1910–1961 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1981); Weiss, Nancy J., The National Urban League, 1910–1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974); and Reed, Touré F., Not Alms but Opportunity: The Urban League and the Politics of Racial Uplift, 1910–1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008).Google Scholar
24 Gilpin and Gasman, Charles S. Johnson, 25; and Robbins, Sidelines Activist, 40.Google Scholar
25 Robbins, Sidelines Activist, 114.Google Scholar
26 Stanfield, John, “Introductory Essay: Bitter Canaan's Historical Backdrop” in Bitter Canaan, by Johnson, Charles S. (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987), lxv. John Stanfield's introductory essay to the 1987 publication of Bitter Canaan offers an insightful history regarding Johnson's work on this scholarship and provides reasons why it remained unpublished for so long. Because Johnson was critiquing Liberia, the nation established as a democratic haven for Blacks in Africa, this work was rejected by publishers for its controversial nature. Although this piece went unpublished during the parameters of this essay, it is crucial to reflect upon Bitter Canaan to understand Johnson's view on race relations and civil rights regarding Liberia.Google Scholar
27 Johnson, Bitter Canaan, 223.Google Scholar
28 Other notable works by Johnson include the following: Johnson, Charles S., “The Education of the Negro Child,” American Sociological Review 1 (April 1936): 264–72; Johnson, Charles S., “On the Need of Realism in Negro Education,” Journal of Negro Education 5 (July 1936): 375–82; Johnson, Charles S., “The Present Status of Race Relations, with Particular Reference to the Negro,” Journal of Negro Education 8, no. 3 (July 1939): 323–35; Johnson, Charles S., “The Social Setting of Negro Education,” Journal of Educational Sociology 12 (January 1939): 275–87.Google Scholar
29 Johnson used this institute to distribute information, conduct studies, and provide an open forum to encourage discussion on the tensions that existed between the races and shed light on the realities of discrimination and oppression that was prevalent throughout the United States. For more information about Johnson and the RRI, refer to Sanders, Katrina M., “Intelligent and Effective Direction:” The Fisk University Race Relations Institute and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 1944–1969. Google Scholar
30 Johnson, Charles S., “Education and the Cultural Process: Introduction to Symposium,” American Journal of Sociology 48, no. 6 (May 1943): 629–32, 630.Google Scholar
31 Ibid., 631.Google Scholar
32 Ibid., 629.Google Scholar
33 Ibid.Google Scholar
34 Ibid., 632.Google Scholar
35 Ibid.Google Scholar
36 Johnson, Charles S., “Educating Japan for Democracy” (Paper presented at the South Central Forum, Chicago, 17 February 1948), 2–3, 7, file 6, box 161, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
37 “President Truman's Radio Address,” (1 September 1945) in The Axis in Defeat: A Collection of Documents on American Policy Toward Germany and Japan. (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 1945), 39.Google Scholar
38 “The Potsdam Proclamation,” (26 July 1945), in Education in the New Japan, Vol. 2, by Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948), 7.Google Scholar
39 “United States Proposal for Establishment of Far Eastern Advisory Commission,” (21 August 1945), in The Axis in Defeat: A Collection of Documents on American Policy toward Germany and Japan (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 1945), 106. The FEC directed SCAP through policy mandates and reviews. However, SCAP was generally leading the occupation. For further details regarding the FEC's role see George Hubbard Blakeslee, The Far Eastern Commission: A Study in International Cooperation: 1945 to 1952 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 1953).Google Scholar
40 “U.S. Initial Post-Surrender Policy for Japan,” (29 August 1945) in The Axis in Defeat: A Collection of Documents on American Policy toward Germany and Japan. (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 1945), 108.Google Scholar
41 “Potsdam Declaration,” (26 July 1945), 7; and Ralph J. D. Braibanti, “Occupation Controls in Japan,” Far Eastern Survey 17, no. 18 (1948): 215–19, 215.Google Scholar
42 Beauchamp, Edward R., “Reforming Education in Postwar Japan: American Planning for a Democratic Japan, 1943–1946,” Journal of Curriculum and Supervision 11, no. 1 (September 1995): 67–86, 71; Far Eastern Commission, “Revision of the Japanese Education System,” (27 March 1947) in Education in the New Japan, Vol. 2, by Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948), 9–12; Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Mission and Accomplishments of the Occupation in the Civil Information and Education Fields. (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1950), 11–12; and Takeshi Matsuda, Soft Power and Its Perils: U.S. Cultural Policy in Early Postwar Japan and Permanent Dependency (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 20.Google Scholar
43 Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Education in the New Japan. Vol. 1, 48.Google Scholar
44 Ibid.Google Scholar
45 Ibid., 31–37.Google Scholar
46 Ibid., 59.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., 65.Google Scholar
48 Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Japan. Postwar Development in Physical Education (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948), iv.Google Scholar
49 Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Education in the New Japan, Vol. 1, 57.Google Scholar
50 Ibid., 67.Google Scholar
51 United States Education Mission to Japan, Report of the United States Mission to Japan (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 24.Google Scholar
52 Thakur, Yoko H., “History Textbook Reform in Allied Occupied Japan, 1945–52,” 262.Google Scholar
53 Beauchamp, Edward R., “Reforming Education in Postwar Japan,” 77. Further discussion regarding Stoddard's role in the education mission can be found in Stoddard, George D., The Pursuit of Education: An Autobiography (New York: Vantage Press, 1981), 79. In this work Stoddard reveals that he is uncertain why he was ultimately selected for the chairman position, but that his connection with Benton and work with UNESCO probably had an influence on his placement.Google Scholar
54 Stoddard, George D., “Teach Them the Ways of Democracy,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences 235 (1944), 26.Google Scholar
55 Beauchamp, “Reforming Education in Postwar Japan,” 76–77.Google Scholar
56 It is unclear as to the exact reason why Johnson was selected for this committee. At best, one can infer that Johnson's notable work as a sociologist in the field of race relations garnered him attention. This point is addressed in two notable pieces regarding Johnson's life and work: Gilpin, Patrick J., “Charles S. Johnson: An Intellectual Biography,” (PhD dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1973); Gilpin and Gasman, Charles S. Johnson. Google Scholar
57 Gilpin, Patrick J., “Charles S. Johnson,” 237–38.Google Scholar
58 The name of the survey is unclear, however a document titled “Unfavorable Opinion Regarding U.S.A. and Occupation Policies” can be located in the Johnson Papers: box 138, folder 1.Google Scholar
59 Ibid., 1–2.Google Scholar
60 Ibid., 1–2.Google Scholar
61 Johnson, Charles S., Education and the Cultural Crisis (New York: MacMillan Company, 1951), 2.Google Scholar
62 Gilpin, Patrick, J. “Charles S. Johnson,” 241.Google Scholar
63 Johnson, Charles S., “Democratization of Japan: A Tentative Proposal” (1946), 3, folder 1, box 188, Charles S. Johnson Paper, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
64 Johnson, Charles S., “The Re-Education of Japan,” 2, folder 17, box 7, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
65 Johnson, Charles S., “The Negro and the Present Crisis,” Journal of Negro Education 10 (July 1941): 585–95, 585.Google Scholar
66 Johnson, Charles S., “Notes on Civil Rights in the United States and their International Implications,” 5, folder 14, box 169, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
67 Johnson, Charles S., “The Dilemma of World Democracy,” (1948), 14, folder 22, box 160, Charles S. Johnson Collection, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
68 Several documents located within the Johnson collection at Fisk University are unpublished. Notwithstanding, portions of these unpublished works were utilized in several published pieces, conference papers, and public addresses.Google Scholar
69 Johnson, “Educating Japan for Democracy,” 2.Google Scholar
70 Ibid., 7.Google Scholar
71 Johnson, Charles, S. “How Can We Re-educate the Conquered?,” (1947), 12, file 16, box 163, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar
72 Ibid., 16. Similar sentiments were also expressed in Johnson, Charles, S. “Some Cultural Implication of the Re-Orientation of Education in Japan.” (Paper presented at Langston University, Langston, Oklahoma March 25–26, 1949), file 2, box 174, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University Library.Google Scholar
73 Johnson, Education and the Cultural Crisis, 2–3.Google Scholar
74 Ibid., 24.Google Scholar
75 Ibid., 53.Google Scholar
76 Ibid.Google Scholar
77 Rudolph, John L., Scientists in the Classroom: The Cold War Reconstruction of American Science Education (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).Google Scholar
78 “Fundamental Law of Education,” (31 March 1947), In Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. Education in the New Japan. Vol. 2 (Tokyo: General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Civil Information and Education Section, Education Division, 1948), 109–110.Google Scholar
79 There are several state and federal legal cases that predate these acts, however it is notable to mention that official language from Congress did not appear until the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Also significant, by placing these occurrences in a chronological perspective, the occupation of Japan ended two years before the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case ruled against Plessy v. Ferguson striking down the separate but equal doctrine.Google Scholar
80 Johnson, Charles S., “How Can We Re-educate the Conquered?,” (1947), 2–3, file 16, box 163, Charles S. Johnson Papers, Fisk University, John Hope and Aurelia E. Franklin Library, Special Collections.Google Scholar