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Home and School in 19th Century America: Some Personal-History Reports from the United States

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Geraldine Jonçich Clifford
Geraldine Jonçich Clifford*
Affiliation:
University of California, Berkeley
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Extract

The things to which we give abstract names, liberty, justice, truth, actually are incapable of yielding up their essence, to be bottled, labeled, scrutinised. The qualities dwell in a thousand concrete things, in the accidents and transiencies of day-to-day living….

Type
Articles
Information
History of Education Quarterly , Volume 18 , Issue 1 , Spring 1977 , pp. 3 - 34
Copyright
Copyright © 1977 by New York University 

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References

Notes

1. Dunn, Esther Cloudman, Pursuit of Understanding: Autobiography of an Education (New York, 1945), vii.Google Scholar

2. Lester, Julius, Search for the New Land: History as Subjective Experience (New York, 1969).Google Scholar

3. Prominent statements in behalf of such a historiography are made in Botkin, Benjamin (ed.), Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery (Chicago, 1945); Ware, Caroline (ed.), The Cultural Approach to History (New York, 1940); Blegen, Theodore C., Grass Roots History (Minneapolis, 1947); and Hareven, Tamara K. (ed.), Anonymous Americans: Explorations in Nineteenth-Century Social History (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1971).Google Scholar

4. See, for example, such notable studies in the “new urban history” as Thernstrom, Stephan, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880–1970 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1973) and Katz, Michael B., The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975).Google Scholar

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6. This research has been generously supported, from 1974–1977, by a grant from the Spencer Foundation and by a Humanities Fellowship from the University of California. I am indebted to Lawrence Cremin, A. for sound advice and unremitting encouragement. Finkelstein, Barbara J. of the University of Maryland and Hiner, N. Ray of the University of Kansas have contributed to lively discussion, shared their own work in progress and provided warm friendship.Google Scholar

7. Katz, , People of Hamilton, pp. 36 and 257. Note, however, that he also acknowledges that his book slights “the texture of domestic life,” resting primarily on inferences drawn from statistical data, in the absence of direct evidence about “the way in which people at the time viewed life as a child, as a boarder, or as a servant in different sorts of households” (pp. 315, 316).Google Scholar

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11. Before she was twenty, Akehurst, Amelia was the only surviving of her father's five daughters, and four of his five sons apparently also died prematurely. Reminiscences in MS Diary for 1851. Akehurst-Lines, Collection, University of Georgia Library. (Original spelling retained here and throughout.) Google Scholar

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19. Hill, Nell M. to Hill, Garlin, May 7, 1894. See also Hill, Nell M. to Mrs.Hill, Martha, April 1, 1894. Hill Family MSS, Universtiy of Oregon Library. By permission.Google Scholar

20. Hill, Nell M. to Hill, Garlin, May 7, 1894. Hill Family MSS.Google Scholar

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24. Case, Fannie to Applegate, Oliver C., August 15, 1870. Oliver Cromwell Applegate Papers, University of Oregon Library. By permission.Google Scholar

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28. Berry, P.C. to Ebey, Winfield Scott, February 6, 1859. Ebey Family Papers, University of Washington Library. By permission.Google Scholar

29. Illustrative are Greven, Philip J. Jr. Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca, N.Y. 1970); Bissell, Linda A., “From One Generation to Another: Mobility in Seventeenth Century Windsor, Connecticut,” “William and Mary Quarterly, 31 (1974): 79–110.Google Scholar

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31. Clark, Sarah L. to Williams, Tirzah M., June 23, 1840. Williams, Tirzah M. Collection, Manuscripts and Archives Division, the New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. By permission.Google Scholar

Holbrook, Stewart H. describes the emigration from New England as “the most influential movement our country has known,” in The Yankee Exodus: An Account of Migration from New England (New York: Macmillan, 1950), p. 10. Migrating Yankee teachers and college presidents were only the most visible agents of the process of educational diffusion.Google Scholar

32. A nice example of the dilemma of the son chosen for academic training and a ministerial career, when he wished only to farm, is Parkman, Ebenezer, reported on in Axtell, James, The School Upon a Hill (New Haven, Connecticut 1974), p. 111.Google Scholar

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35. Gamble, Mary E. to MissStewart, Amanda, January 9, 1876. Stewart-Lockwood, Collection, Kansas Collection, University of Kansas Libraries. By permission.Google Scholar

36. Klingberg, Frank J., “The Education of a Kansan,” Typescript Autobiography. Klingberg MSS.Google Scholar

37. Ebey, Eason B. to [Almira Enos], Myra and Mary, Aunt [Bozarth?], July 25, 1876. Ebey Family Papers.Google Scholar

38. Copybook in Eagle, Edward Brown Family Papers, Newberry Library.Google Scholar

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42. Lortie, Dan C., Schoolteacher: A Sociological Study (Chicago, 1975). Along with a relatively-short period of preparation as compared with other “professions,” the concept of “eased entry” includes the fact of states and cities having created “low-cost, dispersed, and nonelitist training institutions”— in partial compensation for teaching's low wages and low status. (pp. 17–19 et passim).Google Scholar

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45. Grant, Elijah Phelps to Mrs.Grant, Elizabeth, May 7, 1838; Grant, John to Bannister, Zilpah Grant, October 21, 1850. Both in Grant Family Papers; Hillyer, Junius, Typescript “Memoirs of the Early Life and Times of Judge Junius Hillyer,” pp. 90, 151. Hillyer MSS, Special Collections, University of Georgia Library.Google Scholar

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48. Booth, Emily to Bartlett, Ellen, February 18, 1858. In Ellen [Helen L.] Bartlett MSS, Manuscript Dept., Duke University Library, by permission; Whitney, Maria K. to Williams, Tirzah M., October 9, 1838. Williams, Tirzah M. MSS.Google Scholar

49. Gallup, Simeon Morgan, MS Journal. Gallup Papers, New-York Historical Society.Google Scholar

The Census describes 6% of the population as urban in 1800 and 40% in 1900. The number of “urban” communities increased in that time from 33 to 1,737. Though variously defined—usually as places over 2,500 population—the greatest number had populations under 5,000. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957, pp. 8, 9, 14.Google Scholar

50. Entries of March 9 and May 28, 1803. Diary of Nahum Jones. Nahum Jones MSS.Google Scholar

51. “Reminiscenses of Northern Vermont,” p. 59. Hulbert, Papers. Of their labor on Kansas farms late in the 19th-century, Klingberg, wrote, “Boys normally were given men's jobs at age twelve.” Klingberg, Frank J., “The Education of a Kansan.” Klingberg MSS.Google Scholar

52. The urge to apply technology to domestic routines, to take out patents on household gadgets, and to re-organize it scientifically may have indeed been present from the late 18th-century, but it seems patently false to claim that “from 1865 onward there was a revolution in domestic work, spurred on by the discovery of new power sources in coal fields,” as claimed in Altbach, Edith Hoshino, Women in America (Lexington, Massachusetts, 1974), p. 33. As Altbach noted (p. 178), the sewing machine and egg beater were “almost the only common mechanical aides to housework” in 1890. She is more correct in writing of “generations of women working through a vast mire of economic, technological, and social forces, carrying always on their backs the institutions of home & family” (p. vi). Degler, Carl observes that it was middle-class women who were the main beneficiaries of whatever relief there was of domestic chores in the late 19th-century; but he overstates the degree of release, and he appears to generalize from a few large cities to middle-class women in the rest of the nation. See Degler, Carl N., “Revolution Without Ideology: The Changing Place of Women in America,” in Lifton, Robert Jay (ed.), The Woman in America (Boston, 1967), p. 195. On the lives of more typical women, reporting briefly in their own words, see Lerner, Gerda, The Female Experience: An American Documentary (Indianapolis, 1977), pp. 77–79, 115–116, 127–130, and Lerner's, introduction, “Just a Housewife,” pp. 108–114.Google Scholar

53. Hogeland, Ronald W., “The Female Appendage”: Feminine Life-Styles in America, 1820–1860,” Civil War History, 17 (1971); 101–114. This article is intellectual history, and the sub-title is misleading.Google Scholar

54. The median size household and population per household figures in 1790 were 5.43 and 5.79 persons respectively. By 1900 the figures had declined to 4.23 and 4.76 respectively: Historical Statistics, p. 16; also Beresford, John C. and Rivlin, Alice M., “Privacy, Poverty, and Old Age,” Demography, 3 (1966): 247–258; and Bloomberg, Susan E. et al, “A Census Probe into Nineteenth-Century Family History: Southern Michigan, 1850–1880,” Journal of Social History, 5 (Fall 1971): 26–45. Katz, Michael has wondered about the positive correlation he found between school attendance and family size. In Katz, , The People of Hamilton, esp. pp. 38, 40. I find especially interesting the fact that higher proportions of younger children (aged 3–5) and older children (aged 15 & 16) attended schools where families were larger (i.e., had five or more children).Google Scholar

55. Finkelstein, Barbara, “Pedagogy as Intrushion: Teaching Values in Popular Primary Schools in Nineteenth-Century America,” History of Childhood Quarterly, 2 (Winter, 1975): 349–378; “In Fear of Childhood: Relationships Between Parents and Teachers in Popular Primary Schools in the Nineteenth Century,” History of Childhood Quarterly, 3 (Winter 1976): 321–335; and “The Moral Dimensions of Pedagogy: Teaching Behavior in Popular Primary Schools in Nineteenth-Century America,” American Studies, 15 (Fall 1974): 79–89.Google Scholar

56. Clearly, , then, I do not accept Altbach's definition and, hence, her conclusion that America lacks an extensive day-care tradition. She writes of the United States that, “Institutions for the group care of young children have until recently been all but restricted to charity for poor or nonfunctioning families and to emergency programs during times of war.” In Altbach, , Women in America, p. 136. If America did not have a universal public school system it would not be possible to limit one's definition of the target population to “pre-schoolers.” See Shostak, Arthur B., “Education and the Family,” Journal of Marriage and the Family, 29 (February 1967): 124–139, esp. p. 125.Google Scholar

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66. Jennie (Amelia Jane) Akehurst, MS Diary, May 1, 1857. Akehurst-Lines Collection.Google Scholar

67. Akehurst, Jennie to Lines, Sylvanus, February 17, 1858. Akehurst-Lines Collection.Google Scholar

68. Akehurst, Jennie to Lines, Sylvanus, June 7, 1858. On being offered a position in an established boarding school in Covington, she wrote, “I shall at least be favored with more refined and intelligent society than I am now.” Soon, thereafter, she found herself again disappointed with uncongenial company: “I hope it may never be my lot to live in Crackerdom again.” Akehurst, Jennie to Lines, Sylvanus, July 21, 1858 and September 20, 1858. Akehurst-Lines Collection.Google Scholar

69. Moore, Ira to Wellington, Edward, November 20, 1851. Ira Moore Papers, American Philosophical Society Library. By permission.Google Scholar

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75. Katz, , The People of Hamilton, pp. 29, 35, 37 et passim; Bloomberg, et al, “A Census Probe…. Southern Michigan,” p. 33. More socially-elite boarding schools undoubtedly made some effort to board students with the town's “more respectable” families. The Clinton Male Academy in Clinton, North Carolina promised parents “Good board in private families where young men are treated as members of the family…. and in case of sickness the best medical attention is attainable.” Newspaper advertisement for 1872. In Holmes, George Frederick MSS, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.Google Scholar

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