Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-4rdpn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-03T02:46:54.514Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Confining the Poor to Ignorance? Eighteenth-Century American Experiments with Charity Education

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Sharon Braslaw Sundue*
Affiliation:
Drew University

Extract

In 1738, the English evangelist George Whitefield traveled to the new colony of Georgia intending to establish “a house for fatherless children.” Inspired by both August Hermann Francke, the German Pietist who had great success educating and maintaining poor orphans in Halle, and by charity schools established in Great Britain, Whitefield's orphan house and charity school, named Bethesda, opened its doors early in 1740. For years, Whitefield devoted himself tirelessly to ensuring the success of the Bethesda school, preaching throughout Britain and North America on its behalf. Whitefield's preaching tour on behalf of his beloved Bethesda is well known for its role in catalyzing the religious revivals known collectively as the Great Awakening. The tour also marked an important shift in the history of education in America. News of the establishment of the orphanage at Bethesda coincided with new efforts to school the poor throughout the colonies. Drawing on both the British and German models of charity schooling that were highly influential for Whitefield, eighteenth-century Americans began or increased commitments to charity schooling for poor children. But the European models were not adopted wholesale. Instead, local administrators of the schooling experiments deviated from these models in a striking way. In America, elites offered some children the opportunity for extensive charity instruction, but not necessarily children at the bottom of the social hierarchy. This article will argue that the execution of these charity schooling programs was contingent upon local social conditions, specifically what appears to have been local elites' desire to maintain a certain social order and ensure a continued supply of cheap labor.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2007 History of Education Society 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Whitefield, George, A Further Account of God's Dealing with the Rev Mr. George Whitefield from the Time of his Ordination to his Embarking for Georgia (Philadelphia, 1746), 5166; Cashin, Edward J., Beloved Bethesda: A History of George Whitefield's Home for Boys, 1740–2000 (Macon: Mercer University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

2 Vinovskis, Maris, Education, Society and Economic Opportunity: A Historical Perspective on Persistent Issues (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995); and Alexander, John, Render Them Submissive: Responses to Poverty in Philadelphia, 1760–1800 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980), 142159. Other discussions emphasize social control as a motive for early nineteenth–century experiments. See, for example, Brown, Richard D., The Strength of a People: The Idea of an Informed Citizenry in America 1650–1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 34–37, 135–141; Cremin, Lawrence, American Education: The National Experience (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), 178–185, 104–5; Kaestle, Carl F., Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780–1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), 30–61; Clement, Priscilla Ferguson, Welfare and the Poor in the Nineteenth Century American City (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University, 1985), 118–140.Google Scholar

3 For discussion of formal charity schooling in colonial America, see Cremin, Lawrence, American Education: The Colonial Experience 1607–1783 (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 537; and Nancy Rosenberg, “The Sub-textual Religion: Quakers, the Book, and Public Education in Philadelphia, 1682–1800” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1991). See also Woody, Thomas, Early Quaker Education in Philadelphia (1920; New York: Arno Press, 1969), 45, 58–59, 75; Wickersham, J. P., A History of Education in Pennsylvania (1886; New York: Arno Press, 1969), 49, 61; and Calam, John, Parsons and Pedagogues: The S.P.G. Adventure in American Education (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), 103–154.Google Scholar

4 Quimby, Ian, Apprenticeship in Colonial Philadelphia (New York: Garland, 1985), 99117; Murray, John E. and Herndon, Ruth, “Markets for Children in Early America: A Political Economy of Pauper Pauper Apprenticeship,” Journal of Economic History 62, (June 2002): 356–382; Zipf, Karen, Labor of Innocents: Forced Apprenticeship in North Carolina 1715–1919 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005); as well as unpublished papers presented at “Proper and Instructive Education” (Children Bound to Labor in Early America Conference, McNeil Center for Early American Studies, Philadelphia, November 1–2, 2002).Google Scholar

5 Philadelphia, Charleston, and Savannah were not the only communities experimenting with charity education at mid-century. The S.P.G. was also an active promoter of charity schools during this period; their efforts were concentrated in the colony of New York, the city in particular. See Kemp, William Webb, The Support of Schools in Colonial New York by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (New York City: Teacher's College, 1917) and Calam, Parsons and Pedagogues, 102–154. Though inspired by British and German models of charity schooling, S.P.G. efforts pre-date Whitefield's publicity tour. However, Kemp notes that the local community took a more active interest in charity school affairs in New York City after 1740; after mid–century the charity school curriculum also expanded to include merchants’ accounts, arithmetic, and mathematics. Ibid., 103–4; 264–65. We might speculate that the trajectory of charity schooling there after that point was likewise influenced by elite concerns about the city's racial and ethnic diversity.Google Scholar

6 For the overseers of the Friends’ Public Schools, see Rosenberg, , “The Sub-Textual Religion,” Appendix A, 381–418, and for Academy trustees, see Chronological Minutes of the Trustees of the College, Academy and Charity Schools of the University of Pennsylvania, vol. 1, 1749–1768, University Archives, University of Pennsylvania, 5. On the administration of poor relief in South Carolina under the parish system, see Bridenbaugh, Carl, Cities in the Wilderness (New York: Ronald Press, 1938), 237. In vesting the parish vestry with the responsibility for dispensing poor tax revenue, South Carolina drew on English precedent entrusting officials of the established Church with this civic role.Google Scholar

7 Whitefield, , A Further Account, 51–66.Google Scholar

8 Dallimore, Arnold, George Whitefield: The Life and Times of the Great Evangelist, vol. 1 (London: Banner of Truth, 1970), 6770, 206–7; George Whitefield's Journals, ed. Davis, William (Gainesville, FL: Scholars’ Facsimiles, 1969), 81.Google Scholar

9 Francke, A. H., Faith's Work Perfected; OR, Francke's Orphan House at Halle. Translated by W. L. Gage (New York: Anson Randolph, 1867), 18.Google Scholar

10 Francke, A. H., Pietas Hallensis: OR, an Abstract of Divine Providence, ed. Josiah Woodward (London: J. Downing, 1707), 42.Google Scholar

11 Nuttall, Geofrrey F., “Continental Pietism and the Evangelical Movement in Britain,” in Pietismus und Reveil, ed. J. Van Den Berg (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), 207236.Google Scholar

12 de Mandeville, Bernard, “An Essay on Charity and Charity Schools,” in The Fable of the Bees: Or, Private Vices, Public Benefits, 2nd ed. (London: Edmund Parker, 1723), 306.Google Scholar

13 Watts, Isaac, An Essay Towards the Encouragement of Charity Schools, Particularly Those Which are Supported By Protestant Dissenters (London, 1728), 3235.Google Scholar

14 Ibid., 22.Google Scholar

15 Ibid., 28.Google Scholar

16 Ibid., 36.Google Scholar

17 Cunningham, Hugh, The Children of the Poor: Representations of Childhood since the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 2536.Google Scholar

18 Some Few Letters Selected, From an Account of Workhouses and Charity Schools for the Employment of the Poor in England (Dublin, 1728), 28.Google Scholar

19 Nuttall, , “Continental Pietism,” 210.Google Scholar

20 Whitefield, , A Further Account, 51–64.Google Scholar

21 Whitefield, George, Account of Money Received and Disbursed for the Orphan-House in Georgia (London, 1741).Google Scholar

22 Whitefield, George, “The manner of the Children spending their Time at the Orphan-House in Georgia,” in A Collection of Papers, Lately Printed in the Daily Advertiser, No. 7 (London, 1740), 4244.Google Scholar

23 Woody, , Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania, 220–21.Google Scholar

24 Clarke, George, ed., John Bellers: His Life, Times and Writings (London: Routledge, 1987), 57. Bellers had envisioned and promoted a solution to the problem of poverty which called for the establishment of “Colleges of Industry” where the poor could live, work, and be educated communally. His proposals were received warmly, but they were not implemented by his Quaker contemporaries, whose workhouses and charity schools did not differ markedly from other British institutions for the poor. Ibid., 20.Google Scholar

25 Clarke, , John Bellers, 7.Google Scholar

26 Charter of Incorporation for Friends Public School,” 1712. William Penn Charter School Collection, Quaker Collection, Haverford College Library.Google Scholar

27 Minutes of the Overseers of the Friends Public School, vol. I, William Penn Charter School Collection, 8 10th month 1737.Google Scholar

28 On the extensive publicity for Bethesda in Pennsylvania, see Williams, John R. “The Strange Case of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Whitefield.” Pennsylvania Magazine 102, (October 1978): 403407.Google Scholar

29 Frantz, John B., “The Awakening of Religion Among the German Settlers in the Middle Colonies,” William and Mary Quarterly 33 (April, 1976): 276–8.Google Scholar

30 Pennsylvania Gazette, February 24, 1743; Muhlenberg, Henry Melchior, The Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg. Translated by Tappert, Theodore G. and Doberstein, John W., vol. I (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1942), 121.Google Scholar

31 Frantz, , “The Awakening of Religion Among the German Settlers,” 280–81.Google Scholar

32 Pardoe, , “Poor Children and Enlightened Citizens,” 177; Carl Frederick Haussman, Kunze's Seminarium (Philadelphia: American Germanica Press, 1917), 1011.Google Scholar

33 Muhlenberg, , Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, vol. I, 145.Google Scholar

34 Minutes of the Overseers of the Friends’ Public School, 1 5th month 1741–42.Google Scholar

35 Robert Willan was engaged to teach Latin and Greek in 1748, ibid., 16 6th month 1748; Andrew Seaton was hired in 1752, most likely to reduce the burden on Anthony Benezet's school, and agreed to educate ten free scholars. Ibid., 30 1st month 1751. In 1754 Benezet retired from his writing school and opened the girls’ school, which was taken over in 1755 by Ann Thornton. Ibid., 30 5th month 1754; 29 5th month 1755.Google Scholar

36 Ibid., 21 2nd month 1757.Google Scholar

37 List of the scholars now in the several schools at Philadelphia at the expense of the Overseers of the public school founded by charter, 8th month, 23, 1765. Miscellaneous Lists, William Penn Charter School Collection. The increase in the number of poor scholars outpaced Philadelphia's population growth over the same period, which increased about 40 percent. Population figures taken from Billy Smith, The Lower Sort, Philadelphia's Laboring People, 1750–1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), appendix B.Google Scholar

38 Minutes of the Friends’ Public School, 24 9th month 1761.Google Scholar

39 Ibid., 25 8th month 1763.Google Scholar

40 Nash, Gary B., “Poverty and Poor Relief in Pre-Revolutionary Philadelphia,” William and Mary Quarterly 23 (1976): 383387; Nash, Gary B., The Urban Crucible: The Northern Seaports and the Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 247–256.Google Scholar

41 Based on percentile calculations from Hannah Benner Roach, “Taxables in the City of Philadelphia, 1756.” Billy Smith comments extensively on the use of Philadelphia's late eighteenth century tax lists in The Lower Sort, appendix E.Google Scholar

42 Minutes of the Friends’ Public School, 20 10th month 1765.Google Scholar

43 Ibid, 28 10th month 1749; Roach, “Taxables in the City of Philadelphia, 1756.”Google Scholar

44 Minutes of the Friends’ Public School, 24 1st month 1753.Google Scholar

45 Instructions for the Latin and English Masters and Mistress of the Publick School in Philadelphia,” ibid., 26 4th month 1753.Google Scholar

46 Ibid., 26 2nd month 1756. Family budget based on Smith, The Lower Sort, 107.Google Scholar

47 See, for example, lists of Latin scholars given in the Minutes of the Friends’ Public School, 1 9th month 1738, 29 9th month 1756, 21 2nd month 1757; and “List of Schools and Number of Scholars Under the Care of Friends in Philadelphia 5th month 1786,” ibid.Google Scholar

48 For salary figures, see Woody, , Early Quaker Education in Philadelphia, 210–11.Google Scholar

49 Dallimore, , George Whitefield, vol. II, 441. For Franklin's admiration for and promotion of Bethesda, see Williams, , “The Strange Case of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Whitefield,” 405–7; 410–11.Google Scholar

50 Dallimore, , Georee Whitefield, II: 441.Google Scholar

51 “George Whitefield to Benjamin Franklin, February 26, 1750,” cited in ibid., 445–46.Google Scholar

52 Chronological Minutes of the Trustees of the Pennsylvania Academy, vol. 1,8.Google Scholar

53 Pennsylvania Gazette, October 26, 1752.Google Scholar

54 Chronological Minutes, vol. 1, July 16, 1765. Of the charity students listed in the Academy minutes whose parents could be identified, none were rated for taxes. Roach, “Taxables in the City of Philadelphia, 1756” and the 1769, 1774, and 1780 Philadelphia tax lists, Egle, William Henry, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, Third Series (26 vols., Harrisburg, 1897–98), vols. XIV–XV.Google Scholar

55 For example, a 1757 “List of students” completely ignored the charity schools. Chronological Minutes, vol. 1, February 22, 1757.Google Scholar

56 Weber, Samuel Edwin, The Charity School Movement in Colonial Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: George Lasher, 1905), 2428.Google Scholar

57 Smith, William, “A Brief History of the Rise and Progress of the Charitable Scheme,” in Weber, The Charity School Movement, 41.Google Scholar

58 Ibid. 34; Pardoe, “Poor Children and Enlightened Citizens,” 166.Google Scholar

59 Weber, , The Charity School Movement, 52–62; Glenn Weaver. “Benjamin Franklin and the Pennsylvania Germans.” William and Mary Quarterly 14, (October 1957): 536559; Pardoe, “Poor Children and Enlightened Citizens,” 166–173.Google Scholar

60 Weber, , The Charity School Movement, 53.Google Scholar

61 For example, in 1760, to add to the college's esteem, the trustees agreed to confer honorary degrees on prominent ministers and gentlemen from Pennsylvania and neighboring colonies. In 1764, a plan was also advanced to build a special dormitory for Academy students, to provide them with more genteel accommodations. Chronological Minutes, May 1, 1760; September 11, 1764.Google Scholar

62 Ibid., September 8, 1761.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., September 11, 1764.Google Scholar

64 Rosenberg, , “The Sub-textual Religion,” 326–29.Google Scholar

65 A Sketch of A Plan Proposed In the Year 1766, For Educating and Schooling Poor Children,” ca. 1781, Logan-Fisher-Fox Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.Google Scholar

66 Churchman, George to Fisher, Thomas, 8 12th month 1781; 9 11th month 1781, Logan-Fisher-Fox Papers.Google Scholar

67 Churchman, George to Pemberton, James, November 9, 1781,” Pemberton Papers, vol. 39, p. 53, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. On Ackworth, see Jorns, Auguste, The Quakers as Pioneers in Social Work (New York: Macmillan, 1931), 112–16; Thompson, Henry, A History of Ackworth School During Its First Hundred Years (London, 1879).Google Scholar

68 “A Sketch of A Plan Proposed In the Year 1766.”Google Scholar

69 Ibid.Google Scholar

70 Bridenbaugh, Carl, Cities in the Wilderness, 286; South Carolina Gazette, March 1, 1734–35, 2; St. Phillip's Parish Rough Vestry Minutes, September 11, 1740, May 23, 1743, Book One.Google Scholar

71 South Carolina Gazette, January 23, 1749.Google Scholar

72 St. Phillip's Parish Rough Vestry Minutes, June 23, 1752, Book One.Google Scholar

73 South Carolina Gazette, October 15, 1750; December 19, 1754. These advertisements were different from advertisements for charity students, which specified “the admission of students on the foundation.”Google Scholar

74 Ibid., June 20, 1757, Book Two.Google Scholar

75 Ibid., June 6, 1758.Google Scholar

76 Ibid., Nov. 8, 1759; March 22, 1760; April 21, 1760.Google Scholar

77 Ibid., Books Two and Three. From 1763 to 1772, 148 children were maintained by the parish: fifty four were sent to school, while only twelve were bound out. From 1773 until 1779, 121 children were maintained by the parish completely, with housing, temporary cash outlays, or clothing. Sixty-nine of these children were sent to school.Google Scholar

78 Fraser, Walter, “The City Elite, ‘Disorder,’ and the Poor Children of Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 84 (1983): 168; St. Phillip's Parish Rough Vestry Minutes, December 15, 1766, December 22, 1766, January 2, 1769, Book Two; South Carolina Gazette, June 1, 1765, May 10, 1773.Google Scholar

79 Morgan., Phillip “Black Life in Eighteenth Century Charleston.” Perspectives in American History 1 (1984): 188–9.Google Scholar

80 Ibid., 206–7; Wood, Peter, Black Majority (New York: Knopf, 1974), 220–24. Contemporary complaints generally referred either to slaves or the racial category “Negroes,” which appears to have included both slaves and free Blacks.Google Scholar

81 Eraser, , “The City Elite, ‘Disorder,’ and the Poor Children of Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” 171–2.Google Scholar

82 Journal of the Common House of South Carolina, July 2, 1759—June 6, 1760, vol. XXXIII, 325, 340, 371, South Carolina Archives, cited in Fraser, “The City Elite, ‘Disorder,’ and the Poor Children of Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” 171.Google Scholar

83 South Carolina Gazette, March 23, 1734, 1.Google Scholar

84 Ibid., April 15, 1732, 2.Google Scholar

85 Whitefield, , A Further Account, 51–64.Google Scholar

86 Wood, , Black Majority, 294–97.Google Scholar

87 Walter Fraser describes fears of apprentices and youth being entertained and debauched in the city's “disorderly houses.” Fraser, “The City Elite, ‘Disorder,’ and the Poor Children of Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” 172, 175.Google Scholar

88 For complaints about labor competition between slaves and poor Whites, see Bridenbaugh, Carl, Cities in the Wilderness, 359; Morris, Richard B, Government and Labor in Early America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946), 184–85, and Wood, , Black Majority, 228.Google Scholar

89 Rules and Regulations for the Government of the Orphan House in the City of Charleston, July 27, 1791,” Records of the Charleston Orphan House, Charleston City Archive.Google Scholar

90 Instructions for Schoolmasters, 1706,” in Gertrude Foster, “A Documentary History of Education in South Carolina” (PhD diss., University of Mississippi, 1931), I: 79; Whitefield, George, A letter to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Concerning Their Negroes, 1740, reprinted in The Works of the Reverend George Whitefield, M.A., vol. 4 (London, 1771), 3541.Google Scholar

91 Journal of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, April 15, 1737, in Foster, “A Documentary History,” I: 208.Google Scholar

92 Alexander Garden to the S.P.G, October 1743, in ibid., I:218; and South Carolina Gazette, March 14, 1743.Google Scholar

93 Foster, , “A Documentary History,” I: 224.Google Scholar

94 Fraser, , “The City Elite, ‘Disorder,’ and the Poor Children of Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” 168–170.Google Scholar

95 For the rising cost to school and maintain children, see St. Phillip's Minutes, Parish Vestry, January 11, 1774, Book Two—contrast with the allowance of thirty shillings per quarter to “put to school” small children in ibid., August 31, 1772.Google Scholar

96 Bellows, Barbara, Benevolence Among Slaveholders: Assisting the Poor in Charleston 1670–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993), 18.Google Scholar

97 City Ordinance of October 18, 1790, Minutes of the Commissioners of the Charleston Orphan House, Records of the Charleston Orphan House, Charleston City Archive, South Carolina.Google Scholar

98 Minutes of the Commissioners, November 1, 1790, Records of the Charleston Orphan House.Google Scholar

99 For an insightful analysis of these children's backgrounds, see Murray, John E., “Bound by Charity: The Abandoned Children in Eighteenth Century Charleston,” in Down and Out in Early America, ed. Smith, Billy G. (University Park: Pennsylvania: Penn State University Press, 2004), 218. For a list of these children, see The History and Records of the Charleston Orphan House 1790–1860, abstracted and transcribed by King, Susan L. (Easley, SO. Southern Historical Press, 1984).Google Scholar

100 Minutes of the Charleston Orphan House, March 10, 1791; see also ibid., April 7, 1791 for another inquiry into the circumstances of several children whose parents were ultimately deemed incapable of supporting them.Google Scholar

101 Rothman, David, The Discovery of the Asylum (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971), 155236; and Katz, Michael, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse (New York: Basic Books, 1986), 22–25.Google Scholar

102 Minutes of the Charleston Orphan House, November 1, 1790; November 25, 1790.Google Scholar

103 Bellows, , Benevolence Among Slaveholders, 136.Google Scholar

104 In total, twenty-three boys were placed in these low status trades. For masters’ patterns of slaveholding in these trades, see Sharon Sundue, “Industrious in Their Stations: Young People at Work in Boston, Philadelphia and Charleston 1735–1785,” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2001), 96–98.Google Scholar

105 These trades included carpentry, coachmaking, goldsmithing, gunsmithing, and printing. Twenty three boys were given these opportunities, including one placed with an attorney, one with a merchant, and another each in insurance brokerage, with a wharfinger and a grocer.Google Scholar

106 Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina Passed in December 1811 (Columbia, SC, 1812), 27–31, 41–42.Google Scholar

107 Whitefield, George, Letter to His Excellency Governour Wright, Giving and Account of the Steps Taken Relative to the Converting the Georgia Orphan House into a College (London, 1768), 11.Google Scholar

108 Ibid., 12.Google Scholar