Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
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2 For previous works by sociologists see in particular Michael, Vester, Die entstehung des Proletariats als Lernprozess (Frankfürt-am-Main, 1970)Google Scholar, and Francis, Hearn, Domination, legitimation, and resistance: the incorporation of the nineteenth century English working class (Westport, Connecticut, 1978)Google Scholar, both written chiefly from a Frankfurt School perspective. Much of the earlier critical literature on Thompson is discussed in Donnelly, F. K., ‘Ideology and early English working-class history: Edward Thompson and his critics’, Social History, II (1976), 219–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a summary of the debate about ‘class’ see also Neale, R. S., Class in English history, 1680–1850 (Oxford, 1981), especially pp. 100–93.Google Scholar
3 Calhoun, The question of class struggle, p. 140. At least one interpreter has drawn a similar conclusion from Thompson's own account. See Currie, R. and Hartwell, R. M., ‘The making of the English working class?’, Economic History Review, viii (1965), 638Google Scholar. See also Ben, Roberts’ discussion of his similar findings in ‘On the origins and resolution of English working class protest’, in Graham, H. D. and Gurr, T. R., eds., Violence in America: historical and comparative perspectives (Washington, D.C., 1969), pp. 197–220.Google Scholar
4 Calhoun, The question of class struggle, p. 76. Such charges seem on the other hand rarely to be proffered against men like John Cartwright, about whom N. C. Miller has written that Cobbett actually ‘feared his tendency to form clubs and societies’, in ‘John Cartwright and radical parliamentary reform, 1808–1819’, English Historical Review, LXXXIII (1968), 710Google Scholar. Henry Hunt should perhaps be seen as somewhere between these extremes; on him see in particular John Belchem, ‘Radicalism as a “platform” agitation in the period 1816–1821 and 1848–1851: with special reference to the leadership of Henry Hunt and Feargus O'Connor’, Sussex D.Phil., 1977, especially pp. 59–144, and ‘Henry Hunt and the evolution of the mass platform’, English Historical Review, xciii (1978), 739–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the general question of radical extra-parliamentary organization throughout this period see Parsinnen, T. M., ‘Association, convention and anti-parliament in British radical politics, 1771–1848’, English Historical Review, LXXXVIII (1973), 504–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Prothero, I., ‘William Benbow and the concept of the “general strike”’, Past and Present, LXIII (1974), 132–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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6 Hopkins, J. K., ‘Joanna Southcott: a study of popular religion and radical politics, 1789–1814’, Texas Ph.D., 1972.Google Scholar
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10 ibid. p. xii. See the remarks by J. F. C. Harrison in The Second Coming, pp. 225–6, in this regard.
11 See John, Saville's ‘J. E. Smith and the Owenite movement, 1833–34’, and Oliver, W. H., ‘Owen in 1817: the millennialist movement’, both in Pollard, S. and Salt, J., eds., Robert Owen: prophet of the poor (London, 1971), pp. 115–44 and 166–87 respectively. Owen was scarcely a prophet at all in the Southcottian sense, since the Bible played extremely little role in his writings or ideas. Smith saw himself more clearly in this role, but his influence in Owenism was very short-lived, and few other Owenites are known to have been Southcottians, though the circle of ‘Sacred Socialists’ around James Pierrepont Greaves and the Ham Common Concordium merit some attention for their mysticism. There was also some coalescence of millenarianism and feminism in Owenism, for which see Barbara Taylor, ‘The feminist theory and practice of the Owenite socialist movement in Britain, 1820–45’, Sussex D.Phil., pp. 162–246.Google Scholar
12 J. Hone, For the cause of truth, p. 356, and Stevenson, J., ‘The Queen Caroline affair’, in Stevenson, J., ed., London in the age of reform (London, 1977). Calhoun describes the Caroline agitation as the last great movement of the common people in the early nineteenth century (The question of class struggle, pp. 105–15).Google Scholar
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15 Epstein, Feargus O'Connor, pp. 236, 239, 247. A somewhat similar view is reached in Asa Briggs’ ‘Chartism reconsidered’, Historical Studies: papers read to the third conference of Irish historians (London, 1959), p. 56.Google Scholar
11 Epstein, Feargus O'Connor, p. 251. The closeness between the socialistic Harney and O'Connor had other causes, however. See Henry, Weisser, ‘The role of Feargus O'Connor in Chartist internationism, 1845–1848’, Rocky Mountain Social Science Journal, vi (1969), 82–90Google Scholar. The most detailed treatment of the empirical aspects of the Land Plan is Hadfield's, A. M.The Chartist Land Company (Newton Abbot, 1970).Google Scholar
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20 Stedman Jones, ‘The language of Chartism’, in Epstein and Thompson (eds.), The Chartist Experience, p. 31. This does not however necessarily controvert the conclusions of Asa Briggs’ ‘The language of “class” in early nineteenth century England’, in Briggs, A. and Saville, J. (eds.), Essays in labour history (London, 1959), pp. 43–73Google Scholar, where the class consciousness of the Chartist years is emphasized. On the history of the teleological view of Chartism see Morris, M., ‘Chartism and the British working class movement’, Science and Society, XII (1948), 400–17Google Scholar, and Cowden, M., ‘Early Marxist views on British labor, 1837–1917’, Western Political Quarterly, xvi (1963), 34–52Google Scholar. Ideological continuity is also stressed in Prothero's, I. ‘London Working Class movements, 1825–1845’, Cambridge Ph.D., (1966), p. 272Google Scholar. For another recent account of the importance of the changing attitudes and actions of the state after 1842 see Mick, Jenkins, The general strike of 1842 (London, 1980), especially pp. 253–7.Google Scholar
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25 Smiles even gave some assistance to the semi-Owenite land settlement plans of the Leeds Redemption Society in the late 1840s. See Morris, R. J., ‘Samuel Smiles and the genesis of Self-Help; the retreat to a petit bourgeois utopia’, Historical Journal, xxiv (1981), 105.Google Scholar