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THE MATERIALITY OF MARRIAGE IN THE ARTISAN COMMUNITY OF RENAISSANCE VERONA
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 September 2019
Abstract
The implicit view in many studies of Renaissance culture is that only the very wealthy were able actively to participate in, and to influence, the changing market for consumer goods. However, in recent years there has been an increasing awareness of the importance of studying the material culture of the non-elite. Building on the work of historians such as Sandra Cavallo, Paula Hohti, and Isabella Palumbo Fossati Casa, this article explores the items within the dotal inventories of the wives and daughters of artisans in sixteenth-century Verona. Through an analysis of 100 inventories, it will be argued that during the sixteenth century, artisans and their families played an active role in the burgeoning market for consumer goods. Even in provincial cities such as Verona, artisans were able to own vast numbers of commodities, which were at once practical, luxurious, and devotional, that functioned to increase both the comfort and splendour of the household. Dotal inventories are an underused source; however, this article will demonstrate how they can shed light on the material culture of the non-noble classes in the Renaissance.
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Footnotes
I would like to thank, amongst others, Professor Mary Laven, Dr Beatrice Zucca Michaletto, Professor Edoardo Demo, Professor Paola Lanaro, and the director and staff at the Archivio di Stato di Verona, for their advice in the production of this article. I would also like to thank the reviewers of this article for their insightful and constructive feedback. This article was supported by generous scholarships from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation, Murray Edwards College, and the Cambridge Trust.
References
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19 Archivio di Stato di Verona (ASVr), Atti dei Rettori Veneti a Verona (ARV), busta (b.) 98, 9 July 1570, ‘Magdalena ux. Angeli Bthei fabri de cogolo’.
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36 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 Oct. 1569, ‘Appolonie fq. franci. pistoris et ux. Barthei. pistoris’.
37 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 26 Nov. 1573, ‘m. Isepo di Zonzi spadari quali si decriveno d. sicuratio. et conservation della docte de madna. Margerita sua moglie et figliola ch. fu del q. m. Zabatista flaminio’.
38 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 20 Dec. 1595, ‘Catherina moglie de mo. Battista calzarer d. Mantova’.
39 Cavallo, ‘The artisan's casa’, p. 73.
40 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 8 Jan. 1567, ‘Barbere filie M. Michaelis pistori d. Brimelis d. ferabobus, uxori M. Pauli intagliatoris’.
41 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 18 June 1566, ‘Floris de belle fq. Joannis Avanzoni, et ux. Antonii pistoris’.
42 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 6 Feb. 1596, ‘Anna moglie di M. Bartolamio Zaneti filatorio’.
43 The link to Germany is mentioned a number of times within this sample. This is significant as Verona was seen as the gateway for trade with the Holy Roman Empire and had strong links with cities such as Augsburg and Nuremberg. From this evidence, it seems that artisans were involved in the consumption of goods from the north. ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 June 1570, ‘libera fq m. laurentio sartor et ux. m. Calisto pistor’.
44 Thornton argues that canopied structures indicated high rank for the person who slept in the bed and this was often associated with princely culture; Thornton, The Italian Renaissance interior, p. 125.
45 Claudio Paolini, ‘Chests’, in Ajmar-Wollheim and Dennis, eds., At home in Renaissance Italy, pp. 120–2.
46 ASVr, ARV, b.106, 26 Nov. 1573, ‘m. Isepo di Zonzi spadari quali si decriveno d. sicuratio. et conservation della docte de madna. Margerita sua moglie et figliola ch. fu del q. m. Zabatista flaminio’.
47 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 6 Mar. 1567, ‘Clara fq. d. floravati d. Zavatifiis et ux. franci. d. Seledo biretarii’.
48 The abundance of colour in artisan households is also something that has been noted by Casa, Isabella Palumbo Fossati in ‘L'interno della casa dell'artigiano e dell'artista nella Venezia del cinquecento’, Studi Veneziani, 8 (1984), pp. 109–53Google Scholar.
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50 The camera was a multi-purpose domestic space, usually where the bed was kept. The sala was a reception room, sometimes a large hallway in the centre of the house, used to receive family and guests.
51 Hohti, ‘“Conspicuous” consumption and social status in sixteenth-century Italy’, p. 666.
52 Razzall has drawn attention to the literary and symbolic associations of containers in early modern literature; Lucy Razzall, ‘Containers and containment in early modern literature’ (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 2012).
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56 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 31 Aug. 1570, ‘Diamante fq. Zanetto di calzareri de isola dalla Scalla. Et muliero [sic] d. Francesco Bonaventura caliaro de giebetto’.
57 Ago notes how in eighteenth-century Rome, the Ugolini household, which was large enough to have eighteen rooms, contained seventy-four different chairs. She argues that lower down the social scale, houses with smaller numbers of rooms did not have the capacity to accommodate a large number of desks, and this is reflected in the smaller number of chairs. This was evidently the case for artisans, whose homes would have been, on the whole, very small. Yet, in relation to the size of a small artisan home, the number of chairs listed in the inventories is striking. See Ago, Gusto for things, p. 85.
58 Storey notes how in Counter-Reformation Rome, prostitutes often had an abundance of chairs in their homes, which were used for entertaining a variety of guests. The higher the status of the prostitute, the grander her seating was expected to be; Storey, Carnal commerce. On the importance of chairs to sociability, see also Hellman, Mimi, ‘Furniture, sociability, and the work of leisure in eighteenth-century France’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 32 (1999), pp. 415–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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63 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 May 1573, ‘franca. filia q. Leonardi Masoni et ux. prud. Jo.s petri formagerii’.
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73 Hohti, ‘“Conspicuous” consumption and social status in sixteenth-century Italy’, p. 666.
74 Demo notes that by 1571, Veronese merchants had over 100,000 ducats of credit after selling silk to markets in ‘Bolzano, Antwerp, Lyons, London and Nuremberg’, and looms within the city produced around 45–50 tons of silk between 1581 and 1589; Demo, Edoardo, ‘Wool and silk. The textile urban industry of the Venetian mainland (15th–17th centuries)’, in Lanaro, Paola, ed., At the centre of the old world: trade and manufacturing in Venice and on the Venetian mainland, 1400–1800 (Toronto, 2006), pp. 231–7, at p. 231Google Scholar.
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76 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 Aug. 1573, ‘Catharina figliola di Gregorio di Crisponi, et moglie de dnego. bussolar’.
77 ASVr, ARV, b. 93, 8 Jan. 1564, ‘Joana ux. Mathei textoris’.
78 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 6 Feb. 1596, ‘Anna moglie di M. Bartolamio Zaneti filatorio’.
79 Rublack has noted how black fabrics had particular associations with high status in early modern cities; Rublack, Dressing up.
80 Mola notes how in the year 1555–6, 24 bolts of black velvet were produced in Verona. This then increased to 63 bolts in 1556–7, before falling off slightly in 1557–8, and recovering to 97.5 bolts in 1558–69. Mola, Luca, The silk industry of Renaissance Venice (London, 2000), p. 273Google Scholar.
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82 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 23 May 1570, ‘camillam fq. Bnardini. Dicti Dini molendinarii del Piva de Brayda, et uxoris Disor. Joannis filatorii’.
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85 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 10 Dec. 1569, ‘Simona muier d. mo. bapa. sartor’.
86 ASVr, ARV, b. 104, 12 Nov. 1570, ‘madalena filia q. m. dominici molendinarii d. mozanbano et uxor. Angeli molendinari paduani’.
87 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 14 Feb. 1570, ‘Dnica fq. Antonii Peregrini Bergomensis et ux. dnice. textoris’.
88 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 22 Aug. 1573, ‘I/Angele filie m. Martini marangoni et ux. m. Cesaris marangoni’.
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92 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 Oct. 1569, ‘Appolonie fq. franci. pistoris et ux. Barthei. pistoris’.
93 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 6 Mar. 1567, ‘Clara fq. d. floravati d. Zavatifiis et ux. franci. d. Seledo biretarii’.
94 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 24 Nov. 1561, ‘Maria fq. d. Zorzo di Angli de Voltolina, et consorte in secundo mrimonio. d. m. Gerardo calzarero’.
95 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 12 Jan. 1570, ‘Lucretia fq. Jacobi gipsi, et uxor Laurentii biretarii’.
96 Cavallo, ‘The artisan's casa’, p. 70.
97 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 Aug. 1573, ‘Catharina figliola di Gregorio di Crisponi, et moglie de dnego. bussolar’.
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102 Musacchio, Jacqueline, ‘Lambs, coral, teeth, and the intimate intersection of religion and magic’, in Cornelison, Sally J. and Montgomery, Scott Bradford, eds., Images, relics, and devotional practices in late medieval and Renaissance Italy (Ariz, 2006), pp. 139–56Google Scholar. See also Galandra Cooper, ‘Materiality of domestic devotion’ (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 2017), and Tescione, Giovanni, Italiani alla pesca del corallo (Naples, 1968)Google Scholar.
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105 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 10 July 1567, ‘Bthea. fq. Bthei. cagiate d Beneronia, et ux. m. Francisci murarii’.
106 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 23 May 1570, ‘camillam fq. Bnardini. Dicti Dini molendinarii del Piva de Brayda, et uxoris Disor. Joannis filatorii’.
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110 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 21 Nov. 1573, ‘Helene ux. Jacobi scartezini’.
111 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 20 Aug. 1575, ‘Benedicta fq. Prudentis viri Nicolini de Nicolinis de Santa Maria inorganis uxori Prudentis viri Antonii spatarii’.
112 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 May 1573, ‘franca. filia q. Leonardi Masoni et ux. prud. Jo.s petri formagerii’.
113 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 27 Mar. 1566, ‘Agneti fq. Vectoris barberii d. Malsesino, et ux. Matthei Lipelle textoris’. Musacchio has noted the frequent grouping of more obviously sacred objects such as the Agnus Dei and the cross, with amulet-like objects such as coral; Musacchio, ‘Lambs, coral, teeth, and the intimate intersection of religion and magic’. See also Cooper, Galandra ‘Investigating the “case” of the Agnus Dei in sixteenth-century Italian homes’, in Corry, Maya, Faini, Marco, and Meneghin, Alessia, eds., Domestic devotions in early modern Italy (Leiden, 2017), pp. 220–43Google Scholar.
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115 ASVr, ARV, b. 135, 3 Jan. 1590, ‘Bthea. fq. Joannis Bapte. Cavalarii et uxoris Pru. Dominici Bontempi cerdonis’.
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