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John Locke's circle and James II*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2010

Mark Goldie
Affiliation:
Churchill College, Cambridge

Abstract

James II's grant of religious toleration and his invitation to the whigs to return to office dramatically changed the English political scene and created profound dilemmasfor the crown's former enemies. Although there is ambiguity in their responses, and although Locke himself remained an immovable exile, his circle offriends took advantage of these changes. This included nomination to James's proposed tolerationist parliament, an accommodation which damaged them in the actual elections to the Convention of 1689. Some took office, and in at least two cases Locke's associates published pamphlets in support of the king. By exploring the politics of the Lockean whigs a contradiction in earlier views is resolved. For whilst Richard Ashcraft has argued that Locke's circle remained unremittingly hostile to James and engaged in clandestine plotting, other sources identify the same people as among the king's ‘whig collaborators’. The chief actors in Locke's circle are Edward Clarke, Sir Walter Yonge, Richard Duke and Richard Burthogge.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

1 Ashcraft, pp. 467, 521, and chs. 10–11 generally. For similar claims see Tully, J., A discourse of property: John Locke and his adversaries (Cambridge, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 The words arc those of Jones, J. R., ‘James II's whig collaborators’, Historical Journal, (1960), 6573CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Jones did, however, open up the question of whig support for James, the extent of which remains underestimated. See Lacey, D. R., Dissent and parliamentary politics in England, 1661–1689 (New Brunswick, 1969), ch. 9Google Scholar; Jones, J. R., The revolution of 1688 in England (London, 1972), chs. 5–6Google Scholar; idem, ‘James ITs revolution: royal policies, 1686–1692’, in The Anglo-Dutch momtnt, ed. Israel, J. (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 4772Google Scholar.

3 Ivan Roots pointed out to me a parallel with royalists in the:1650s: those at home were much more politically flexible than those in exile.

4 Ashcraft, p. 532; Henning, III, 789.

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7 None of them appears in the Dictionary of National Biography, though this is to be rectified for Clarke and Yonge in the forthcoming Supplement. Their are entries for Yonge and Duke in Henning. See also , Locke, Con., n, 479–80Google Scholar; III, 5, 7, 26; Cranston, passim; Ashcraft, passim (though he does not mention Duke); Lacey, Dissent, passim. There is a massive body of Clarke papers in the Sanford collection in the Somerset Record Office.

8 See , Locke, Some thoughts contenting tdueation, ed. , J. W. and Yolton, J. S. (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar; The educational writings of John Locke, ed. Axtell, J. L. (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar.

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11 Locke, Corr., II, 600, m, 213–14; Ashcraft, p. 377; Cranston, pp. 229–30, 263, 257–8.

12 They are listed as presbyterians in Lacey, Dissmt, pp. 389, 459. Clarke was more firmly within anglicanism, but his enemies accused him of dissent.

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16 Locke's phrases, ‘the Drum Ecclesiastick’ and ‘a Rope of Sand’ (preface, and First Treatise, para. 1) are echoes of (Hudibras, part I, canto 1.

17 Butler's lines are: ‘This is some pettifogging fiend,/Some under door-keeper's friend's friend,/ That undertakes to understand,/ And juggles at the second hand,/ And now would pass for Spirit Po,/ And all men's dark concerns foreknow’ (Hudibras, part 3, canto t). The OED defines ‘Po’ with a riddle, by referring only to Seymour's jibe against Duke.

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28 SRO DD/SF 3070, 3305, etc. Ashcraft thinks it impossible to believe that Locke concerned himself with how much milk two wetnunes produced. On the contrary, the Clarke papers show that Locke was inordinately preoccupied with the minutiae of the children's nurturing.

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34 William Sprcat, transported to Jamaica. I owe this point to Priscilla Flower-Smith.

35 I merely glance here at the large question of Locke's ‘aristocratic whig’ context and its implications for Ashcraft's thesis. See McNally, D., ‘Locke, Levellers and liberty: property and democracy in the thought of the first whigs’. History of Political Thought, X (1989), 1740Google Scholar; Idem, Political tconomy and the rise of capitalism (Berkeley, 1988). esp. pp. 58, 62Google Scholar; Marshall, J., ‘John Locke in context: religion, ethics and politics’ Ph.D. thesis, Johns Hopkins, 1990), esp. ch. 8Google Scholar; Wood, Locke and agrarian capitalism; Scott, J., Algernon Sidney and the restoration crisis, 1677–1683 (Cambridge, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krey, G. S. De, ‘London radicals and revolutionary politics, 1675–1683’, in Politics of religion, eds. Seaward, Harris and Goldie, , pp. 133–62Google Scholar; , Schochet, ‘Radical polities’, pp. 501–6Google Scholar.

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60 Hanham, H. J., ‘Ashburton as a parliamentary borough, 1640–1868’, Transactions of the Devonshire Association, XCVIII (1966), 207, 211–15Google Scholar; idem, ‘A tangle untangled: The lordship of the manor and borough of Ashburton’, Transactions of the Devonshire Association, XCIV (1962), 449 453Google Scholar.

61 Henning, I, 191–2; n, 241; Duckett, n, 233, 241. Hanham judges that the Dukes ‘accepted James's overtures merely as a means of securing a respite from their Tory enemies’ and out of the ‘sheer desperation’ of die dissenters: ‘Ashburton’, p. 216. Starr u variously styled Edward and Edmund.

62 Duckett, I, 373–7; II, 263, 265, 298.

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64 Henning, I, 378–9.

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84 The tract is dedicated to ‘SW. Y.B. T. R. E N M E.’ I assume the first two are Sir Walter Yonge, Baronet, and Thomas Reynell.

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87 Ibid. ep. ded., and pp. 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10.

88 For the claim that it was drafted in 1683–3 sec Marshall, ‘Locke in context’, ch. 8. David Wootton argues for 1681: Introduction to his Penguin edition of Locke (forthcoming). They share Ashcraft's view that the Second Treatise was inappropriate until after Charles II had ceased to call parliaments.

89 Quoted in , Green, March of William, p. 93Google Scholar.

90 , Long, Letter for toleration, p. 1Google Scholar. Jonas Proast was the other critic: see , Locke, Works (London, 1801), VI, 199Google Scholar. See Goldie, M., ‘John Locke, Jonas Proast and religious toleration, 1688–1692’, in From toleration to tractarimism, eds. Walsh, J., Haydon, C. and Taylor, S. (Oxford, 1993)Google Scholar.

91 See Tuck, R., ‘Hobbes and Locke on toleration’, in Thomas Hobbts and political theory, ed. Dietz, M. G. (Kansas, 1990), pp. 153–72Google Scholar; Marshall, ‘Locke in context’, ch. 3. Richard Tuck points out to me that it might be significant that Locke did not publish The two treatises whilst James was on the throne.

92 For recent attempts to relate the publication of the Two treatises to the circumstances of 1689 see Tarlton, C., “‘The rulers now on earth”: Locke's Two treatises and the revolution of 1688’, Historical Journal, XXVIII (1985), 279–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schwoerer, L. G., ‘Locke, Lockean ideas, and the gloiious revolution’, Journal of the History of Ideas, LI (1990), 531–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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