Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
And first, it is necessary that we should agree what we mean by an absolute Monarch, which is indeed a point rather controverted, than clearly decided by any Author, that I have yet met withal. [Thomas Goddard, Plato's Demon, 1684.]
1 R. W., & Carlyle, A. J., A history of medieval political theory in the west (Edinburgh and London, 1936), VI, 517.Google ScholarKantorowicz, Ernst, The king's two bodies (Princeton, 1957), p. 95.Google Scholar
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7 Ibid. p. 48 (11, 1); pp. 58–60 (ii, 3); pp. 64–5 (11, 5–8).
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12 Antony and Cleopatra, II, ii, 169; III, vi, 11.
13 E.g. Henry IV, Part One, iv, iii, 50; Part Two, IV, i, 186.
14 Macbeth, I, iv, 14; Antony and Cleopatra, iv, iii, 10; Coriolanus, III, i, 89; Macbeth, III, vi, 40; Measure for measure, III, i, 5; Coriolanus, III, ii, 39; Cymbeline, IV, ii, 106; Pericles prince of Tyre, II, ii, 19.
15 Merry wives of Windsor, III, iii, 66; Measure for measure, v, i, 54; Henry V, III, vii, 27; Hamlet, v, ii, iii; v, i, 147.
16 Coriolanus, iv, v, 142; Antony and Cleopatra, IV, xii, 117.
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26 See, for example, the ‘Commons Apology’ of 1604, and James Whitelocke's speech in 1610. Tanner, , Documents, pp. 226, 262.Google Scholar
27 A complete collection of state trials, ed. Howell, T. B. (London, 1816), III, 1146, 1156, 1162Google Scholar, where Justice Croke, in giving judgement for Hampden, covers virtually the whole spectrum of meaning.
28 State trials, III, 37 (Attorney-General Heath), 151 (Sergeant Ashley), 1016–23 (repeatedly, Attorney-General Bankes), 1114 (Justice Berkeley), etc.
29 Chief Justice Finch, in State trials, III, 1226, 1231 (and Holborne, for Hampden, had used the same meanings, pp. 176–9). Digges quoted in Judson, , Crisis, p. 18.Google Scholar
30 Vivat rex, p. 6. See also Tooker, William, Of the fabrique of the church and churchmen's livings (1604), pp. 99–100Google Scholar, where absolute is carefully contrasted with limited monarchy, and tyranny is one possible kind of absolute power. Greville, Fulke, A treatise of monarchy, stanzas 90, 314, 521.Google Scholar
31 Chapman, , Biron's conspiracy, I, ii, 102–3Google Scholar; I i 194.
32 William Perkins, quoted in Mosse, G. L., The holy pretence (Oxford, 1957), p. 52.Google ScholarDowning, , A discourse, p. 91.Google Scholar And Downing was similarly conventional when he noted that absolute kings do not have to account for their actions, p. 43. His later adhesion to the rebels in the Civil War is not anticipated in this work.
33 Judson, , CrisisGoogle Scholar, ch. v. It is clear that the divines' use of the term comes much closer than the lawyers' to a general concept of absolutism. See also Allen, , English politicai thought, pp. 161–96.Google Scholar
34 Eliot, , The monarchie of man, ed. Grosart, A. B. (London, 1879), II, 46.Google Scholar On the discrepancies in Eliot's thinking about absolutism, see Hulme, Harold, The life of Sir John Eliot (London, 1957), pp. 375 ff.Google Scholar
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41 See, for example, The tenure of kings and magistrates, in Complete prose works of John Milton (New Haven and London, 1962, etc.), III, 199, 217, 233Google Scholar; Defence of the English people, in Work, IV, part I, 348, 490.
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46 See, for example, Leviathan, ed. Oakeshott, Michael (Oxford, 1960), pp. 126, 134.Google Scholar
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49 Marvell, Andrew, Britannia and Rawleigh, I, 32.Google ScholarA concordance of the English poems of Andrew Marvell, compiled and edited by George R. Guffey (Chapel Hill, 1974) finds that this is the sole poetic use of the term.
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51 The most notable exception to this rule is the case of the best known of all royalists, Sir Robert Filmer. I think I have been able to show, in an as yet unpublished manuscript, that Filmer's political thought was strikingly different from that of other royalists.
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58 Dryden, John, His majesty's declaration defended (1681), pp. 9–10.Google ScholarBredvold, Louis J., The intellectual milieu of John Dryden (1934;Google Scholar Ann Arbor, 1956), pp. 148–9.
59 Nalson, John, The common interest of king and people (1679), pp. 116, 142, 152–3.Google Scholar Nalson was the compiler of the Impartial collection of the great affairs of state, an answer to Rushworth's collection.
60 E.g. Sanderson, Robert, preface to Archbishop Usher's Power communicated by god to the princeGoogle Scholar, in Sanderson, 's Works (Oxford, 1844), V, 207–8.Google ScholarSirL'Estrange, Roger, The parallel (1679), 10.Google Scholar
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74 Bibliotheca politica (1692, etc.), pp. 124–5.
75 Both Anchitell Grey's and William Cobbett's records of the parliamentary debates are remarkably sparse in their mentions of the term. Perhaps the best source for an understanding of the prevalent whig theory is Furley, O. W., ‘The whig Exclusionists: pamphlet literature in the Exclusion campaign, 1679–81’, Cambridge Historical Journal, XIII (1959). 19–36.Google Scholar
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84 A concordance to the poems of Alexander Pope, ed. Bedford, E. G. and Dilligan, Robert J. (Detroit, 1974), vol. I.Google Scholar
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86 Bramhall, , The serpent-sabre, Works, III, 492.Google ScholarHeylyn, Peter, Microcosmos (1621), p. 249.Google ScholarHill, Captain Edmund, Digitus testium, or a dreadful alarm to the whole kingdom (1650).Google ScholarStarkey, , The dignity of kingship, p. 106.Google Scholar (Anon.), A letter from a gentleman of quality (1679), pp. 3, 11.
87 Sir Ralph Hopton had called his royalist comrade Godolphin, Sidney ‘as perfect, and as absolute a piece of virtue as ever our country bred’.Google Scholar A half-century later Godolphin would probably have been ‘as absolutely perfect a piece of virtue…’. SirHopton, Ralph, Bellum civile: Hopton's narrative of his campaign in the west (1642–44) and other papers, ed. Healey, C. E. H. C., Somerset Record Society, XVIII (1902), 33.Google Scholar
88 Good examples of such work are: Franklin, Julian H., Jean Bodin and the rise of absolutist theory (Cambridge, 1973)Google Scholar; G. R. Elton, introduction to the Harper Torchbook edition of Figgis, J. N., The divine right of kings (New York, etc., 1965), pp. vii–xxxviiiGoogle Scholar; Cooper, J. P., ‘Differences between English and continental governments in the early 17th century’, in Bromley, J. S. and Kossman, E. H. (eds.), Britain and the Netherlands (London, 1964), pp. 62–90.Google Scholar
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98 Though not many are apt to follow the Marxist tendency to see rule by great landowners as the hallmark of absolutism. On this see Cooper, , ‘Differences between English and Continental governments’Google Scholar, and, more recently, Behrens, Betty, ‘Feudalism and absolutism’, Historical Journal, XIX (1976), 245–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar