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I. Russia, Poland and the Baltic, 1697–1721

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

L. R. Lewitter
Affiliation:
Christ's College, Cambridge

Extract

In order to understand why Tsar Peter and King Augustus II of Poland fell into one another's arms when they met at Rawa in August 1698, and why they parted such bosom friends, we must first of all briefly consider the relations between Russia, Poland, Lithuania and Sweden in the last three or four decades of the seventeenth century. After the peace of Oliva with Poland in 1661 and that of Kardis with Russia in 1669, Sweden's possession of Livonia, Estonia, Ingria and Karelia debarred both the Polish Republic and the tsar from the Baltic, thereby furnishing them with a common grievance and object of envy. Sweden's granary and her bulwark against Russia and Poland, Livonia with the port of Riga— ‘the most valuable jewel of the crown of Sweden’ — was a particularly invidious token of predominance in the Baltic and one whose lustre still outshone the growing importance of Narva in Estonia.

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1968

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References

1 Cf. Peter the Great and the Polish Election of 1697’, Cambridge Historical Journal, XII, no. 2 (1956).Google Scholar

2 P.R.O., S.P. 91.107, G. Mackenzie's report on the state of the Swedish provinces conquered by the tsar.

3 See Soom, A., Die Politik Schwedens bezüglich des russischen Transithandels über die estnischen Städte in den Fahren 1636–1656 (Tartu, 1940),Google Scholar tables on pp. 260, 261 for the number of ships cleared by the customs at Narva. The number of outward-bound ships rose fairly steadily from 72 in 1662 to twice that number in 1694.

4 See ‘The Russo-Polish Treaty of 1686 and its Antecedents’, The Polish Review, xx, nos. 3 and 4 (New York 1964).

5 See Mityaev, K. G.,’ Oboroty i torgovye svyazi smolenskogo rynka v 70-kh godakh XVII veka’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, XII (1941), 5483.Google Scholar According to E. Dunsdorfs, ‘Der Aussenhandel Rigas im 17-en Jahrdt.’, Conventus Primus Historicorum Balticorum Rigae. . .1937, Acta & relata (Riga, 1938), pp. 457–86, p. 464, in 1699 75 Pe r c e n t of the hemp and 74 per cent of the hempseed brought to Riga for export came from White Russia, the remainder being supplied by Livonia, Courland and Lettgallia.Google Scholar

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20 In 1685 John III Sobieski granted the firm of Hurst and Archer permission to establish a trading company at Polangen (Polaga, Patanga), at the mouth of the Heiligen Aa (Swieta, hence ‘Sventa’) (P.R.O., F.O. 62.2, fos. 485–6, ‘A brief account of the port Sventa alias Heiligen Aa or Jan-Marienburg’)- MrEhrman, John, to whose book The British Government and Commercial Negotiations with Europe 1783–93 (Cambridge, 1962) p. 112, I owe this reference, understandably mistakes Sventa for Ventspils (Windau).Google Scholar

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31 Heyd, W., Le colonie commerciali degli Italiani in Oriente nel medio evo (Italian translation by Müller, G., Venice, 1868), 11, 4858.Google Scholar

32 Shmurlo, op. cit. pp. 608–9, news from Constantinople, 12 October 1699: ‘the tsar wants to develop trade through Azov', Cf. Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1826, ukase of 17 January 1701: a fair to be held at Azov on the day of St Peter; Greeks from Constantinople and inhabitants of Little Russia to be encouraged to trade there.

33 See Nystrom, P., ‘Mercatura Ruthenica’, Scandia, x (1937), 257–96Google Scholar and cf. Ekegard, E., Studier i Svensk Handelspolitik under den tidigare Frihetstiden (Upsala, 1924), pp. 89, 90;Google Scholarcf. entry under ‘Ludvig Fabritius, 1648–1729’, in Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, XIV (Stockholm, 1943);Google ScholarZevakin, E. S., ‘Persidskii vopros v russko-evropeïskikh otnosheniyakh XVII v.’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, VIII (1940), 129–62Google Scholar and Kellenbenz, H., ‘Der russische Transithandel mit dem Orient im 17. und zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhdts.’, Fahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, XII (1964), 481–98.Google Scholar The proposal for transporting goods from India to Riga was first put forward in 1520 by Paolo Centurione. See Paolo Iovio Historico, ‘Delle Cose della Moscovia’ in Ramusio, G. B., Navigationi et Viaggi (Venice, 1533), II, 131–7Google Scholar and cf. Modigliani, Maria, ‘Note intorno al viaggiatore Paolo Centurione’, Bollettino della R. Societa Geografica Italiana, LXIX (1932), 350–63.Google Scholar

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40 D'Avaux to Louis XIV, Stockholm, 9 July 1698, N.S., printed in Wijnne, J. A., ed., Nigociations de Monsieur le Comte d'Avaux. . .1693, l697, 1698, Werken van det Historisch Genootschap, n.s., nos. 33–6, in, part 1, (1883), 338.Google Scholar

41 See Willan, T. S., The Early History of the Russia Company (Manchester), pp. 76–7.Google ScholarCf. Reasons for Enlarging and Regulating the Trade to Russia and the Narve [London, 1698?].Google Scholar

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43 Stow, John, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, corrected, etc. by Strype, J. (London, 1720), II, 264.Google Scholar The speaker was Nathaniel Tenche. Cf. Bogoslovsky, M. M., Petr I (Leningrad, 1941), II, parts 1 and 2, 286–90, 336–48, 373–80.Google Scholar

44 Reasons Humbly offered for passing the Bill for enlarging the trade to Russia [London, 1698?];Google ScholarHouse of Lords MSS, loc. cit. 294–5; Statutes of the Realm, 10 William III, c. 6; Åström, From Stockholm..., pp. 90, 95; From Cloth to Iron..., pp. 185, 193, 194.

46 Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend (as they now do) on Sweden only, for the Supply of the Naval Stores... [London, 1698?];Google Scholar Stiernman, op. cit. v (1766), Charles XII's instructions of 26 March 1699, o.s., cf. P.R.O., CO. 388.7., f.77

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53 See Piwarski, K., ‘Opozycja litewska pod koniec XVII wieku’, Pamietnik V Powsz. Zjazdu Historykótv Polskich w Warszawie. (Lvov, 1930), 1, 259–77.Google Scholar

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56 P. Heins to Christian V, Moscow, 16 December 1698 (o.S. ?), printed in Hallendorff, C., Bidrag till det stora nordiska krigets förhistoria (Upsala, 1897), pp. 154–5.Google Scholar The preamble of the treaty of alliance concluded on 21 November 1699 at Preobrazhenskoe between Russia and Saxony refers to the decision to attack Sweden taken at a most confidential meeting of the two monarchs—obviously at Rawa—in retaliation for past wrongs, Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo (1887), I, 304–10.Google ScholarBogoslovsky, M. M., op. cit. p. 565,Google Scholar suspects that the Saxons were concerned to pin the initiative on the tsar; Korolyuk, V. D., Polska i Rosja a wojna póhnocna (Warsaw, 1954) (a translation of articles originally published in Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya and in Voprosy Istorii), p. 97, attributes the initiative wholly to Peter and distorts Bogoslovsky's interpretation.Google Scholar

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60 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970v, 28 December 1705, news from Troppau (the nuncio's temporary residence).

61 Pis'ma i bumagi..., ibid. p. 1046, df. A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970, news from Troppau, 28 December 1705.

62 Ibid. IX (1950), 400–7.

63 Ibid. x (1956), 458–60.

64 Arfwidsson, F.,Försvaret av Östersjöprovinserna 1708–1710 (Gefle, 1936), I–II, part I, 233,Google Scholarcf. Sbornik, Imp. Russ. Istor. Obshch., xxv (St Petersburg, 1878), 172, 196.Google Scholar

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75 Or, taking into account the difference in the content of fine silver, about 222,000, 266,000, 532,000 and 133,000 rix-dollars respectively; Sbornik, III (1868), 518, 527–8.Google Scholar

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77 A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 373, news from Warsaw, 2 October 1719; Pohoarth MSS, II, 630, 21 September 1720, ‘the two Russian regiments which are at Windau and Libau will leave immediately’.

78 Ibid. fos. 250–3, account of conference of 8 May, cf. fo. 265, news from Warsaw, 19 June, ‘the ambassador doubts whether Livonia will be restored’.

79 Text in A General Collection of Treaties of Peace and Commerce... from the end of the reign of Queen Anne to 1731, IV (London, 1732), 420–34. This topic will be treated separately.Google Scholar

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83 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CL, fos. 81–2, news from Warsaw, 2 July 1721; 92 and 92v, Peter I to Augustus II, 18 May 1721 (o.s.?, Latin translation); 109–110v, news from Warsaw, 16 July 1721.

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85 Without the Polish palatinate of Livonia which remained under Polish rule until 1772. Forsten, G. V., ‘Snosheniya Shvetsii i Rossii vo vtoroy polovine XVII V.’, Zhurn, Min. Nar. Prosv. (February, April, May, June 1898, June, September 1899), April 1898, pp. 321–54, 331.Google Scholar

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87 For reasons of space Courland has had to be omitted from this account. The events in Courland have most recently been outlined by Wittram, R. in Baltische Geschichte (Munich, 1954), pp. 119–22.Google ScholarPolievktov, M., Baltiskii vopros v russkoy politike posle Nishtadtskogo mira (1721–1725) (St Petersburg, 1907),Google Scholar contains much material relating to Courland also before 1721. von Richter, A., Geschichte der dem russischen Kaisertum einverleibten deutschen Ostseeprovinzen bis zur Zeit ihrer Vereinigung mit demselben (Riga, 1858),Google Scholar II, part III, remains the most detailed general survey; Gebhardi, A., Geschichte des Herzogtums Kurland und Semgallen, section 2, in Allgemeine Welthistorie der Neueren Zeit (Halle, 1789),Google Scholar part XXXIII, is informative but often inaccurate; some useful details may be found in Blomberg, op. cit. For relations between Russia and Courland, 1697–1725, see Bantysh-Kamensky, N. N., Obzor vneshnikh snoshenii Rossii... (Moscow, 1897), part III, pp. 1120.Google Scholar

88 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLX, fos. 54–6, deciphered dispatch from the nuncio (V. Santini), Dresden, 12 March 1725.

89 Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXV, fos. 332–333v, Latin translation of Augustus II's instructions for the dietines (sejmiki) preceding the seym of 1724. The phrase (fo. 333) was probably used in the Polish original.

80 See Krannhals, D., Danzig und der Weichselhandel in seiner Blütezeit vom 16. zum 17. Fahrhundert (Leipzig, 1942).Google Scholar The map opposite p. 16 shows the economic catchment area of the Vistula. Cf. Obuchowska-Pysiowa, H., Handel wiślany w pierviszej poloviie XVII w. (with English summary) (Wroclaw, 1964).Google Scholar

91 Pis'ma i bumagi..., I, 191–2.Google Scholar

92 Martens, loc. cit. pp. 76–87. In 1713 Hamburg paid a contribution of 200,000 rix-dollars and Lubeck of 33,333 1/3

93 See Zech, E., ‘The struggle for Poland's Prussian ports during the reign of Gustavus Adolphus’, Baltic and Scandinavian Countries, IV (1938), 315–20;Google ScholarBöhme, K.-R., Die Schwedische Besetzung des Weichseldeltas 1626–1636 (= Beiheft 22 of Fahrbuch der Abertus-Universität, Königsberg, Würzburg, 1963).Google Scholar

94 Pis'ma i bumagi, III, 386–371.

95 Bantysh-Kamenski, op. cit. part II (1896), p. 165.Google Scholar

96 Wodziński, A. M., Gdańsk za czasów Stanislawa Leszczyńskiego (1704–09, 1733–34) (Cracow, 1929);Google ScholarRekowski, A., ‘Gdańsk wobec po rlityki Rosji w latach 1700–1709’, Gdańskie Zeszyty Humanistyczne, V (1962), nos. 8–12, 303–20.Google Scholar

97 Sbornik..., LXI, 86; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part I, 14–17, 341–3 and XI, part 2 (1964), 284–6.

98 Ibid. 152, 154, 160.

99 Martens, , loc. cit. pp. 106–11.Google Scholar

100 Bantysh-Kamensky, , loc. cit. p. 167.Google Scholar

101 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 61; Tunstall, B. (ed.), The Byng Papers, in (London, 1932), 264–6, 291;Google Scholarde Lamberty, M., Mémoirespour servir à l'histoire du XVIIIe Siècle, IX (Amsterdam, 1735). 654.Google Scholar

102 Arch. Segr. Vat., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fo. 508, the tsar's declaration to the magistrates of Danzig, 17 April 1716 (Latin translation); fo. 509, points proposed by the tsar to the above, as above (French translation from Polish); fo. 510, the city's reply, 9 May 1716 (French); Pol. Sob. Zak., v, nos. 3018, 3021; cf. Doerries, H., ‘Peter des Grossen Beziehungen ZJJ Danzig 1716–17 und die Begrundung der russischen Agentur’, Forschungen zur Osteuropäischen Geschichte, I (1954), 2344.Google Scholar

103 Polwarth MSS, I, 282, 287.Google Scholar

104 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 67.Google Scholar

105 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fo. 472, news from Dresden, 23 August 1717; Polwarth MSS, I 303, 325; Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Doerries, op. cit. pp. 39–40. For purposes of comparison it is useful to note that in 1722 the annual cost of the Russian army was estimated at 4 million roubles or 3,548,800 rix-dollars (Kafengauz, B. B. & Pavlenko, N. I. (eds.), Ocherki Istorii S.S.S.R., Rossiya v pervoy chetverti XVIII v., Moscow, 1954, p. 300). The French consul at Danzig regarded the tsar's demand of ships as only a means of extorting cash. (Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 62.)Google Scholar

106 Biblioteka Czartoryskich, MS. 205, fos. 109–10, Augustus II to Peter I, Dresden, 27 September 1717 (copy); ibid. fos. 261–2, as above, 18 March 1718; A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 410 and 410v, copy of petition from city of Danzig to Augustus II, n.d. (Latin); ibid, CXLVII, fo. 349, Augustus II to Peter I (November 1718? copy translated from Polish into French); Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Jarochowski, K., ‘Dwie misje F. Ponińskiego... do cara Piotra w latach 1717 i 18’, pp. 141, 164, in Z czasów saskich, spraw wewngtrznych, polityki i wojny (Poznań, 1886), pp. 81185.Google Scholar

107 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fos. 478–9, the magistracy of Danzig to A. M. Sieniawski, grand hetman of Poland, 6 September 1717, copy (Latin); fo. 507, news from Dresden, 6 September; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 361; Doerries, loc. cit.; text of convention between Peter I and Danzig in Martens, loc. cit. pp. 168–77, Pol. Sob. Zak., v, no. 3104.

108 Ibid. no. 3108.

109 Doerries, , op. cit. p. 43.Google Scholar

110 Bridge, C. A. G. (ed.), The Russian Fleet under Peter the Great (London, 1899), pp. 106–8;Google Scholar Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXIV, fos. 154–5, copy of announce- ment by Maj.-Gen. Freiherr von Edelack, dated 31 December 1717, that in the name of the tsar he has appointed Andreas Sipman director of the Russian entrepot at Danzig; cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 109.Google Scholar

111 Polwarth MSS, 1, 485, 505, 550, 573, 576, 590, 591.

112 In May the number of Russian troops in Poland was ‘computed at 12,000’ (P.R.O., S.P. 88.116, letter from J. Kenworthy, George I's agent at Danzig, 28 May 1718 o.s.?); in September six regiments of 1,200 men were camping on the city's estates (A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 301–303v, news from Warsaw, 7 September 1718, cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , loc. cit. p. 124); in September there were said to be 30,000 Russians ‘in Poland and about Danzig’ (Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 611) but this estimate seems too low and may be taken to refer only to a part of the country, possibly to Greater Poland (Wielkopolska).Google Scholar

113 Cf. Nordmann, op. cit. p. 124; Feygina, op. cit. p. 319; see also Jarochowski, op. cit. p. 163; Jägerskiöld, S., Sverige och Europa 1716–1718 (Ekenäs, 1937), p. 369.Google Scholar The Poles regarded the measures against Danzig as a mere pretext for the presence of Russian troops there: A.S.V., loc. cit. fos 350 and 350v, copy of letter from K. Zawisza, marshal (chairman) of the seym to Peter I (Grodno, October or November 1718, Latin translation from Polish); fo. 351, the primate (S. Szembek) to Peter I, as above.

114 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 548, 551, 566, 573, 576.

115 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 112.Google Scholar

116 News from Warsaw as in note 112; Frederick William I to Augustus II, A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 56–57v, Berlin, 21 Jan. 1719 (Latin transl.).

117 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 437–438v, report to Augustus II on the conference of senators held in Warsaw on 16 December 1718 (French).

118 Doerries, , op. cit. p. 35; Polwarth MSS, 1, 77.Google Scholar

119 Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 85, 90, 130; H. Fiedler, ‘Danzig und England. Die Handels- bestrebungen der Engländer vom Ende des 14. bis zum Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift des Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, fasc. 68 (1928), pp. 61–125; Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1859), III, pp. 278, 325, 445; IV, (1859), 10, 39, 260, 288.Google Scholar

120 Hinton, R. W. K., The Eastland Trade and the Common Weal (Cambridge, 1959), p. 156.Google Scholar

121 Sir William Browne, Bt. His instructions dated 11 July 1700 are in P.R.O., S.P. 104. 120.

122 Text in P.R.O., S.P. 108.286, French translation in de Martens, G. F. (ed.), Supplément au Recueil des principaux traités..., (Göttingen, 1802) I, 4463;Google Scholar cf. Rev. Robinson, J. (the envoy extraordinary who negotiated the convention) to Harley, Stolpe, 27 October 1706, P.R.O., S.P. 88.17, fo. 64; and the same to the same, Frankfurt on the Oder, 5 November 1706 (o.s.?),Google Scholaribid. fos. 68–73v, with Robinson's comments.

123 P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 236, Sir C. Hedges, secretary of state, to Robinson, 26 August 1703, o.s.; the same to the same, 22 October 1703, o.s.; S.P. 88.43, tne city of Danzig to Queen Anne, 6 December 1709, requesting intercession; ibid. 16 April 1710, returning thanks for intercession with Augustus II; ibid. 6 April 1712, requesting intercession for delivering the city from the Muscovites; S.P. 104.209, fos. 303v-304, 20 December 1709, o.s., instructions for the Earl of Stair, envoy extraordinary. He was to ‘protect and countenance our subjects trading in those parts’, ‘render their commerce as easy and beneficial as possible’, ‘preserve their rights, increase their privileges’. ‘And as we have a particular interest in the preservation of... Danzig with its privileges and immunities... and that it may not suffer by attack or bombardment or any other military enterprise’, the envoy's task was in the event of any such design being afoot ‘to hinder the same... by proper remonstrances’. The subsequent instructions for Scott and for Vernon follow this pattern.

124 P.R.O., S.P. 104.72, fo. 30, Harley to Stanhope, Whitehall, 1 August 1704; fo. 31, the same to the same, 5 August 1704 (o.s.?); Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 98–9; van der Haute, , op. cit. pp. 240–4.Google Scholar

125 P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 49–57, 28 May 1711, o.s., instructions for James Scott, envoy extraordinary; F.O. 90.46, fos. 25–28, 3 July 1715, o.s., instructions for Sir R. Vernon, envoy extraordinary.

126 The Compleat History of the Treaty of Utrecht (London, 1715), 2 vols; 1, part 2, 251, 11, part 1, 112;Google Scholar of P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, 10 December 1708, city of Danzig to Queen Anne requesting her interest and protection at a general peace.

127 P.R.O., CO. 388.20, item 63, A State of the British trade into Danzig, Anno 1715.

128 Between 1593 and 1709 6,393 aliens, 57 per cent of the total number of newcomers joined the ranks of the citizens of Danzig. 135 of these were natives of Scotland and 18 of England. (Penners-Ellwart, H., Die Danziger Biirgerschaft nach Herkunft undBeruf 1536–1709, Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-Mitteleuropas, XIII, Marburg, 1954 (reproduced from typescript), pp. 153–9 and table 11, 2).Google Scholar

129 P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, Theodore Jacobsen to Queen Anne, 1714.

130 Letter from Kenworthy, as in note 112.

131 B.M. Add. MS. 28145, fos. 211–12, instruction for Sir John Norris, Hampton Court, 19 August 1718 [o.s.?], copy; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 77.

132 Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 239, 347–8, 378; Chance, ... Diplomatic Instructions, Sweden, p. 104.

133 P.R.O., Adm. 2.49, order to Byng of 7 June 1717, o.s.

134 B.M. Add. MS. 28155, fos. 43 and 43v. The case of Samuel Worster, merchant, subject of H.M. of Great Britain, lately residing at Stockholm; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 282, 323; Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 230, 259, 291; Ciéslak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar

135 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 275.Google Scholar

136 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 256, 288;Google ScholarCieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar George I's proclamation prohibiting commerce with Sweden of 2 March 1717, o.s., ‘upon the discovery of evil practices which had been carried on by certain Ministers of Sweden to disturb the peace and tranquillity of this Kingdom’ did not forbid British merchantmen to ply between foreign ports and Sweden (The London Gazette, no. 5517).

137 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 322.Google Scholar

138 Saint-Saphorin MSS., Robethon to Saint-Saphorin, Hampton Court, 27 August 1717 (copy).

139 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 288;Google Scholar (cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 52).Google Scholar

140 As Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg. See the treaty between the latter and the Polish Republic of 1699 concerning the retrocession of Elbing in settlement of a debt in von Moerner, T., Kurbrandenburgs Staatsverträge von 1661 bis 1700 (Berlin, 1867), pp. 600–62, 809–10Google Scholar and Hassinger, E., Brandenburg-Preussen, Russlandund Schweden, 1700–1713 (Munich, 1953). passim.Google Scholar

141 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxxvn, fos. 518–19v, news from Warsaw, 31 August 1712.

142 Loewe, op. cit. pp. 158–61.

143 A.S.V., loc. cit. cxxxv, fos. 244 and 244v, news from Warsaw, 22 March 1710; ibid. fos. 265–6, as above, 26 March.

144 Stow, J., op. cit. p. 262;Google ScholarSzelagowski, A. & Gras, N. A. B., ‘The Eastland Company in Prussia, 1579–1585’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd ser., VI (1912), 163–84;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSimson, P., ‘Die Handelsniederlassung der Englischen Kaufleute in Elbing’, Hansische Geschichtsblätter, XXII (1916), 87143; Vol. Leg., in, 278.Google Scholar

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146 Gierszewski, S., ‘Statystyka handlu zbozowego Elblaga w latach 1642–1795’, Zapiski Historyczne, XXIII (1957),Google Scholar fasc. 1–3, 157–74, 170. The largest amount exported from Elbing between 1700 and 1725 was 4,918 lasts in 1706. The French consul at Danzig records the figure of 16,338 lasts for 1718, a bad year. The corresponding figure for Elbing is 2,925 lasts. For the conversion of lasts into kilograms see Binerowski, Z., ‘Gdańskie miary zbozowe w XVII i XVIII wieku’, Zap. Hist., loc, cit. pp. 5981, table opposite p. 78.Google Scholar

147 Gierszewski, S., Elblqski przemysl okretowy 1570–1815, (Gdansk, 1961), p. 98.Google Scholar

148 B.M. Add. MS. 37359, fos. 71–4 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as in note 101.

149 B.M. Add. MS. 37359 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as above; Pis'ma i bumagi, XI, part 1, 238; Bantysh-Kamensky, op. cit. part 11, pp. 189–90; Neubaur, op. cit.; Schirren, op. cit. p. 63; Gierszewski, Elblqski przemysl..., p. 105.

150 Stock, L. F. (ed.), Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments respecting North America(Washington, D.C.,1924), 1, 101. The year of Roe's speech is 1640.Google Scholar

151 For the small size of this item in relation to the Eastland trade as a whole see Hinton, op. cit. pp. 99–100.

152 See Pepys, S., Memoires of the Royal Navy, 1679–1688 (ed. Tanner, J. R.) (Oxford, 1906), pp. 3034Google Scholar and cf. Sutherland, W., Britain's Glory: or, Ship-Building unvail'd (London, 1717), part 1 , p. 75;Google ScholarHollond, J., Two Discourses of the Royal Navy, 1638 and 1659 (London, 1896), pp. 225–7;Google ScholarAlbion, R. G., Forests and Sea Power, The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy, 1652–1682 (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), p. 161.Google Scholar

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154 Marperger, P. J., Ausführliche Beschreibung des Hanfs und Flachs und der daraus verfertigten Manufakturen... (Leipzig, 1710).Google Scholar

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156 See note 36. Riga's best customer was the Netherlands: Bang, N. E. & Korst, K. (eds.), Tables de la navigation etdu transport passant parle Sund 1661–1783... (Copenhagen-Leipzig, 1939), 1st half-volume, pp. 364, 378, 393, 407, 422, 435, 446, 457, 471.Google Scholar

157 The fly-sheets referred to in notes 41 and 42 and Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend... on Sweden only... [London, 1698?].Google Scholar

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159 Owen, J. H., War at Sea under Queen Anne, 1702–1708 (Cambridge, 1938), p. 26;Google ScholarEhrman, J. P. W., The Navy in the War of William III, 1689–1697, its state and direction (Cambridge, 1953), p. 619. The Act of Parliament ‘for building good and defensible ships', 5–6 W. & M., c. 24, allowed builders of three-decked ships one-tenth of the tunnage and pound-age due in respect of the first three voyages made by such ships. If taken into the King's service these would be able to carry fifty or sixty guns at least (House of Lords MSS, n.s., 1, 1900, 391). I have not so far seen any reference to the possible effect of this Act on the demand for naval stores and consequently on the Eastland and Muscovy trades.Google Scholar

160 P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 27–31, Trade Commissioners’ report of 22 January 1711; Calendar of Treasury Books (London, 1949), XXIII, part 2 (1709), 364-5.Google Scholar

161 Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1866, ukase of 18 August 1701, o.s.; Tishchenko, M., ‘Narisi istorii zovnishnoi torgovli Starodubshchini v XVII v.’, Vseukrains'ka Akademiya Nauk, Zapiski Istorichno-Filologichnogo Viddilu, XXVI, 315–67, pp. 320, 321, 329, 340.Google Scholar

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164 Nordberg, op. cit. (1743), I, 98; Zahiski, op. cit. (1711), III, 67: it was the French envoy du Héron who persuaded Augustus II not to bombard Riga by implying that England and the Netherlands would appreciate his gesture and by pointing out that a bombardment would make him unpopular with merchants throughout Europe (Ministere des Affaires Etrangéres, Correspondance Politique, Pologne, CII, fos. 194–201, du Héron to Louis XIV, the camp before Riga, 16 September 1700. Cf. A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXII, fo. 413v, news from Warsaw, 11 September 1700). For William III's concern at the safety of the English merchants at Riga see BM. Add. MS. 28944, fo. 48 and 48v, draft of letter to Duke Frederick William of Courland, Kensington, 19 March 1700 (o.s. ?), (Latin) requesting his assistance. Cf. ibid. fo. 129, and attestation by Benjamin Ayloffe, Henry Phill and Randolph Knipe, of 28 June 1700 (o.s. ?). They have considerable effects of hemp and flax lying in Riga but the ships sent to collect these goods, bought and paid for before the siege, have been turned back by the Saxon garrison at Dünamünde. Knipe, together with another London merchant, a Mr Collins, also had a share in the trade with Courland (P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 205, Hedges to Robinson, Whitehall, 29 April 1701 [o.s. ?]).

165 Sbornik, , loc. cit. pp. 222–5.Google Scholar

166 Ibid. pp. 78–9, 118, 122.

167 Merriman, , op. cit. pp. 159–62;Google Scholar Albion, op. cit. p. 160. For fluctuations in the prices of pitch and tar see Sir Beveridge, W. (ed.), Prices and Wages in England from the twelfth to the nineteenth century (London, 1939), I, 660–1, 663–6, 673, 675.Google Scholar

168 Sbornik..., loc. cit. pp. 37, 45, 110; Brown, B. Curtis (ed.), The Letters and Diplomatic Instructions of Queen Anne (London, 1935), pp. 151, 328;Google ScholarJournal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Feb. 1708/9 to March 1714/15 (London, 1925), pp. 125, 150, 306.Google Scholar

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171 Text in Lamberty, op. cit. ix (1735), 228–30. The text of the Cruisers and Convoys Act, 1708, is printed in Merriman, op. cit. pp. 344–6.

172 Coxe, W. (ed.), Memoirs of the Life and Administration of Sir R. Walpole, Earl of Orford (London, 1798), 11, 88.Google Scholar

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174 P.R.O., S.P. 104.123, Bolingbroke to Scott, Whitehall, 23 July 1713 (o.s.?): ‘the accession of Livonia to King Augustus would not make amends for the accession of Estonia to the tsar and for the building up of a power which must thereafter become a troublesome neighbour’.

175 Arkhiv... Kurakina (Saratov, 1896), VI, 16–21.

176 A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXXVIII, fo. 526 and 526v, the nuncio (B. Odescalchi) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paoiucci), Warsaw, 6 September 1713.

177 Ibid fos. 542–543 v, the same to the same, 20 September 1713.

178 Arkhiv... Kurakina (Moscow 1902), X, 188–202.

179 Chance, George I..., pp. 102–6; Sbornik..., LXI, 407.

180 Russia Company Papers, loc. cit. fos. 290–2, 24 April 1714 (o.s. ?).

181 Reprinted in Boyer's Political State of Great Britain–see note 162 and cf. note 2.

182 Sbornik..., loc. cit.

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185 Hedemann, O., Dzisna i Thuja, magdeburskie miasta (Vilno, 1934), pp. 150–1;Google Scholar the same, Dawne puszcze i wody, as above, pp. 58, 81, 83; Malowist, M., ‘A certain trade technique in the Baltic countries in the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries’, Poland at the Xlth International Congress of Historical Sciences in Stockholm (Warsaw, 1960), pp. 103–16;Google Scholar cf. chapter V of the treaty concluded in Warsaw on 18 November 1705 between Charles XII and Stanislas Leszczyhski, text in Dumont, op. cit. vin, part 1 (1731), 173–8.

186 Pol. Sob. Zak. VI, ukase no. 4415 of 14 January 1724, o.s.

187 Ensh, G. (Jensch), ‘Polonica v rizhskom gosudarstvennom arkhive’, Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya, II (1950), 311-25, p. 322.Google Scholar

188 Dzhidzhora, I., ‘Ekonomichna politka rosiis'kogo pravitel'stva suproti Ukraini v 1710–1730 rr.’, Zapiski Tovaristva imeni Shevchenka, XCVIII, 5574; CI, 63100; CIII (1910), 5467; CV (1911), 5091; XCVIII, 63, 65, 71;Google ScholarUlyanitsky, V. A., ‘Istoricheskii ocherk russkikh konsul'stv za granitsey’ in Moskovskii Glavnyi Arkhiv, Sbornik, vyp. 56 (1880);Google ScholarWendt, H., ‘Schlesien und der Orient’, Darstellungen und Quellen zur schlesischen Geschichte, XXI (1916), 168.Google Scholar

189 Cf. note 161; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part 2, 284.

190 Dzhidzhora, op. cit. p. 97, cf. the map appended to Jensch, Der Handel Rigas...

191 Pol. Sob. Zak., v, ukases no. 2767 and no. 2768 of 30 June 1714, o.s.

192 Dzhidzhora, loc. cit. XCVIII, 71, CI, 66.

193 For legislation prohibiting this abuse see Vol. Leg., VII (1860), 230, cf. Jasiński, L., Beiträge zur Finanzgeschichte Polens im XVIII. Fahrhundert (Poznań, 1910), p. 144.Google Scholar

194 According to Jasinski, loc. cit., the revenue from the source in 1712, 190,000 zlotys or 63·333 1/3 rix-dollars amounted to only half the corresponding figure for about 1650. From the inadequate data (Jasiński, op. cit.; H. Rachel, ‘Polnische Handels- und Zollverhältnisse im 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert’, Fahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich, XXXIII, part 2, 1909, 41–62), it is impossible to calculate the rate at which customs duty was levied on goods crossing Poland in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. In 1723 at the request of the Emperor the tsar eased the restrictions on the trade between the Ukraine and Silesia (Pol. Sob. Zak, VI, no. 4159), which received a further stimulus from the agreement concluded in 1727 between the representatives of the Emperor and of Poland. This lowered the duty on the goods passing to and from Silesia through Poland and simplified its collection (Dzhidzhora, op. cit. (1911), pp. 50–7; Wendt, op. cit. p. 69; Tschierschky, S., Die Wirtschaftspolitik des schhsischen Kommerzkollegs, 1716–1740, Gotha, 1902, pp. 112–14).Google Scholar

195 Nordberg, op. cit. III (1748), 62–3; Bonnesen, S., Studier över August II's utrikespolitik, 1712–1715 (Lund, 1918), I, III.Google Scholar

196 See note 185.

197 P.R.O., CO. 388.23, fo. 56, J. Jefferyes to Townshend, Danzig, 30 August 1721, o.s.

198 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLII, fo. 83, news from Danzig, 14 March 1723.

199 Hildebrand, K.-G. (‘Ekonomiska syften i svensk expansions-politik’, Karolinska Förbundets Arsbok, 1949, pp. 740) has drawn very similar conclusions from an examination of the economic aspects of the treaty of Warsaw.Google Scholar

200 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, Polonica CXXV, Protokoll vid underhanlingarna 1705, minutes of conference held on 17 October 1705 (Swedish style). This document was originally referred to by Professor Hildebrand, op. cit. p. 30.

201 Chance, ‘The Northern Pacification...’, p. 63.

202 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fos. 333–6, Dolgoruky's memorandum to Augustus II, 9 February 1716 (Latin translation); ibid. CXLVIII, fo. 399, news from Warsaw, 13 December 1719; Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 50

203 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXII, fos. 136–7, news from Dresden, 15 March 1700; the pamphlet Ekscytarz polski... (1700), copied in Bib. Czart. MS. 194, fos. 323–32 speaks for the small minority which was in favour of the war and looks forward to its felicitous conclusion as a future bond between His Majesty and the Republic, ‘the first step towards a secure peace with our neighbours and the renewal or revision of our treaties with them’.

204 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXV, fos. 85–7, the nuncio (F. Pignatelli) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paolucci), Pless, 26 July 1702; CXXIX, fos. 25–8, the nuncio (O. F. Spada) to the above, Cracow, 5 February 1704; ibid. CXXIII, fos. 246–9v, a MS. copy of the pamphlet Brevis et dolens sermo maerentis et in libertatibus suis nimis vulneratae matris, Reipublicae Polonae... , Vratislaviae, n.d., cf. a MS. copy of the PoUsh version in Bib. Czart., MS. 196, fos. 959–92, fos. 976–9: ‘the Muscovites have ever been sworn enemies of the Polish nation’.

205 Under the Swedish-Hanoverian convention of July 1719, but Hanoverian troops had occupied Bremen and Verden in October 1715. Mediger, W., Russlands Weg nach Europa (Braunschweig, 1952), p. 20.Google Scholar