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Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Extract

The early years of Thomas Hobbes are almost entirely sunk in obscurity. Biographers from George Croom Robertson (1886) to Miriam Reik (1977) have added little, for the period before 1628, to the scant information provided by Aubrey and the Latin Vitae. If to this we add the handful of details which have been gleaned by modern scholarship, the picture remains a bare one, and one that can be briefly summarized.

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

1 See the appendix to this article.

2 Discussed by Vittorio, Gabrieli in ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma nella versione Hobbesiana d'un carteggio di Fulgenzio Micanzio’, The English Miscellany, VIII (1957), 195250.Google Scholar

3 Friedrich, Wolf, Die neue Wissenschaft des Thomas Hobbes (Stuttgart, 1969); see also the appendix to this article.Google Scholar

4 Toennies, F., ‘Contributions a l'histoire de la pensée de Hobbes’, Archives de Philosophie, XII, cahier 2 (1936), 81.Google Scholar

5 Quoted by Douglas, Bush, ‘Hobbes, William Cavendish and “Essayes”’, Notes and Queries, N.S. xx, 5 (1973), 163, n. 1; the document has not been published.Google Scholar

6 Cf. the eulogy of Cavendish in the epistle dedicatory to the translation of Thucydides, and the description of this period in the verse autobiography;’ Huic ego servivi bis denos gnaviter annos; / Non Dominus tantum, verum et amicus erat. / Pars erat ilia meae multo dulcissima vitae, / Et nunc saepe mihi somnia grata facit.’ Opera Latina (ed. Molesworth, London, 1839–45), 1, lxxxviii-viii.Google Scholar

7 Records of the Virginia Company of London (ed. S. M. Kingsbury, Washington, 1906), 11 40.Google Scholar

8 That is, including the separate notices of the Courts of the Somer Islands Company, which are only irregularly reported in the Court Book. Hobbes’ name is also given in a separate report of an extraordinary meeting of the Court of that Company, printed by Kingsbury in Records, iv, 43–8.

9 Kingsbury, Records, 11, 159.

10 This document, which is in the handwriting of John Ferrar, is endorsed ‘ Names of ye Adventurers to ye Summer Hands Divided Feb: 1623’. I am most grateful to the Master and Fellows of Magdalene College for permission to consult these MSS, and to Dr Richard Luckett for having drawn my attention to them.

11 Kingsbury, Records, iv, 48; Ferrar papers 1371. ‘Mr Deputy’ was john Ferrar.

12 Kingsbury, Records, 11, 351.

13 The grant is also recorded in a document among the new group of Ferrar papers, listing transfers of shares; the entry for ‘June 19’ includes ‘Lo. Cauendish to Mr Hobbs - 1.’. Hobbes’ name is given in two other lists of shareholders among these papers.

14 Quoted by Craven, W. F., The dissolution of the Virginia Company (Oxford, 1932), p. 275.Google Scholar

15 In this connexion one thinks, for example, of the innumerable relatives of Sir Edwin Sandys, and of Cavendish's own brother-in-law, who was made a member of the Company in May 1623. Alexander Brown prudently steers clear of this issue: ‘I cannot here attempt to discuss…the motives which are said to have influenced the Sandys party in admitting so many new members.’ The genesis of the United States (London, 1890), ii, 983.Google Scholar

16 For general accounts see Osgood, H. L., The American colonies in the seventeenth century (New York, 1904)Google Scholar, vol. 1, and Andrews, C. M., The colonial period in American history (New Haven, 1934), vol. 1Google Scholar. The Company's finances are summed up in Scott, W. R., The constitution and finance of English, Scottish and Irish joint-stock companies to 1720 (Cambridge, 1910–12), vol. ii, and the best account of the final years is Craven, Dissolution.Google Scholar

17 No minutes of this Court have survived. The evidence comes mainly from Chamberlain and other indirect sources: see Craven, Dissolution, pp. 308–10.

18 Hobbes, , English works (ed. Molesworth, London, 1839–45), VI 320–1.Google Scholar

19 Commons debates 1621, ed. Notestein, , Relf, and Simpson, (New Haven, 1935), 7 volsGoogle Scholar. The first part of the Ph.D. dissertation of Wallace, W. M. was published as Sir Edwin Sandys and the first parliament of James I (Philadelphia, 1940)Google Scholar; I have not been able to consult the rest of it. Wallace is qualified on several points by Rabb, T. K., ‘Sir Edwin Sandys and the parliament of 1604’, American Historical Review, LXIX, 3 (1964), 646–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20 1621 debates, 11, 348

21 Ibid, iii, 205.

22 Ibid, VII, 653.

23 Ibid, VII, 633.

24 Ibid, VII, 644.

25 Journals of the House of Commons, 1 (15471628), 493.Google Scholar

26 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Portland MSS, IX, 138; Gardiner, S. R., History of England from the accession of James I to the outbreak of the civil war (London, 1883), iii, 249.Google Scholar

27 Ed. J. Cropsey (Chicago, 1971), p. 67/(26).

28 1621 debates, iv, 256.

29 Ibid, iii, 321.

30 Donne, , A Sermon upon the VIII verse ofthe 1 chapter of the Acts of the Apostles preach'd to the honourable Company of the Virginian plantation. 130 Novemb. 1622 (London, 1622), p. 1.Google Scholar

31 Kingsbury, , Records, 11, 122Google Scholar. The supper was held in Merchant Taylors’ Hall, and tickets for it cost 3J.: Neill, E. D., History of the Virginia Company, p. 361Google Scholar, quoted in Lefroy, J. H., notes to The Ustorye of the Bermudaes of Summer Islands (London, 1882), p. 247 n. 3.Google Scholar

32 Donne, Sermon, pp. 25–6.Google Scholar

33 Ibid. pp. 27–8.

34 Samuel, Purchas, Purchas his pilgrimage, or relations of the world and the religions observed in al ages and places discovered, from the creation unto this present (3rd edn, ‘much enlarged’, London, 1617), p. 948Google Scholar. Hobbes’ attendance at Courts of the Company sometimes coincided with that of Purchas, e.g. 21 April 1624 (Kingsbury, Records, 11, 518–19). His familiarity with Purchas’ work on Virginia may perhaps be assumed from the catalogue entry’ Imperfect treatise on Virginia (Purchas)’ in the Report on the miscellaneous deeds, letters, treatises etc. of the Earls and Dukes of Devonshire from the muniment room at Hardwick (Royal Commission on Historical MSS, London, 1977)Google Scholar, Drawer 146, item 3. It may also be of interest to note that Hobbes might thus, through Purchas, have had some virtually direct knowledge of the work of Harriot (one of Purchas’ sections, for example, is entitled ‘Of the Virginian Rites, related by Master Hariot’), knowledge which, much more indirectly and in a different connexion, is suggested byj. Jacquot in ‘Harriot, Hill, Warner and the New Philosophy’, in Thomas Harriot, renaissance scientist, ed. Shirley, J. W. (Oxford, 1974), pp. 107–28.Google Scholar

35 Patrick, Copland, Virginia's God be thanked (London, 1622), p. 28.Google Scholar

36 Kingsbury, , Records, iv, 451.Google Scholar

37 Purchas, , Pilgrimage, p. 946.Google Scholar

38 Donne, , Sermon, p. 26.Google Scholar

39 See Craven, Dissolution, p. 190. Scott (Constitution and finance, p. 301) gives figures for fishing voyages from England, which rose from 4 ships in 1615 to 35 in 1622.

40 Mare Liberum sive de iure quod Batavis competit ad Indicana commercia dissertation (Lugduni Batauorvm, 1609), p. 23.Google Scholar

41 Wilkinson, H., The adventurers of Bermuda (London, 1933), p. 177 n. 1Google Scholar. Wilkinson is not the only writer to have made claims about Selden's involvement without offering any proof. E. S. Sandys (presumably following the article on his ancestor in the D.N.B.) says that Selden helped Sandys to prepare the Company's revision of its patent in February 1621 (History of the family of Sandys, Barrow-in-Furness, 1930, 1, 98). Alexander Brown credits Selden (along with Sandys, Southampton and others) with having drawn up ‘ plans for a reform government for our nation’ (English politics in early Virginia history, 1901, reprinted New York, 1968, p. 28)Google Scholar. Pollard, in his D.NB. article on Sandys, also connects Selden's imprisonment in June 1621 with his involvement in the Virginia Company, but Gardiner (History, iv, 133) says that he had given offence by supporting the Commons'jurisdiction over Floyd's case. Whatever the truth of these claims, we can be fairly certain that Selden was an active member of the Virginia Company. The name ‘ Mr Seldon’ occurs frequently in the Court Book (sometimes in conjunction with that of Hobbes). The Christian name is never given, and the Court Book alone would not enable one to make the identification, though on one occasion ‘ Mr Seldon’ is, significantly, appointed to a legal subcommittee (Kingsbury, Records, 1, 395). The only conclusive evidence is the inclusion of Selden in a list o f Members of parliament in Virginia Company’, prepared apparently by Nicholas Ferrar in 1624 and printed by Brown in Genesis, n, 802–3.

42 Letters written by eminent persons… to which are added…lives of eminent men, by John Aubrey, Esq. (London, 1813), 11, 2 ( = 3rd vol.), 628.Google Scholar

43 H.M.C., Welbeck Abbey MSS, 11, 128.

44 Craven discusses the evidence in detail: Dissolution, pp. 47–68.

45 E.g. Osgood, , American Colonies, p. 64.Google Scholar Cf. also the ‘Instructions to the Governor and council of state in Virginia’ issued on 24 July 1621, over the signatures of Southampton, Sandys and others: paragraph 39 states that ‘The Gouernor for the time being shall have absolute power and authoritie according to the implication of his particular commission to direct, determine and punish at his good discretion any emergent business…’ (Kingsbury, Records, iii, 469).

46 Craven, Dissolution, p. 79, from the Declaration of the state of the colonie…in Tracts and other papers, ed. Peter, Force (New York, 1947), iii, no. 5, 5–6.Google Scholar

47 Kingsbury, Records, iv, 523.

48 Brydon, G. M., Religious life of Virginia in the seventeenth century (Williamsburg, 1957), pp. 1011.Google Scholar

49 Kingsbury, Records, iv, 521. This also suggests that the later charges of ‘Puritanism’ against Sandys should be seen in the context of an exchange of similar recriminations. Cf. the ‘Declaracon…’ of 1623, which accused Warwick of having patronized a minister ‘who had preached in the Sumer Hands that the Government of ye Church of England by Bishops was Antichristian…’ (ibid. u, 406).

50 As Brydon points out (Religious life, pp. 11–12), in the absence of ecclesiastical courts no layman could be convicted as a dissenter. Brydon also quotes, as evidence of the Puritan complexion of the Virginian church, a letter from Alexander Whitaker: ‘I marvaile much—that so few of our English ministers that were so hot against the surplis and subscription come hither where neither are spoken of (ibid. pp. 10–11); but as evidence this quotation is, to say the least, double-edged.

51 ‘Instructions to the Governor…’, Kingsbury, Records, iii, 468.

52 The religious impulse in the founding of Virginia: religion and society in the early literature’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series v (1948), 507.Google Scholar

53 Kingsbury, Records, 1, 421, 589. Zacharias Ursinus was a pupil of Melanchthon and a friend of Calvin; the two catechisms published by him in 1563 aroused the opposition of Lutherans (Realencyclopaedie fuer protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed, Leipzig, 1908).Google Scholar

54 For Ferrar's bequest see Kingsbury, Records, i, 335; Ruggle left £100 for the same purpose (ibid. 11, 136); Donne was made a freeman on 22 May 1622 (ibid. 11, 18). Further details about Ruggle are given in Maycock, A. L., Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding (London, 1938), pp. 24–5.Google Scholar

55 See Rabb, T. K., ‘The editions of Sir Edwin Sandys’ “Relation of the State of Religion”, Huntington Library Quarterly, xxvi, 4 (1963), 323–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Cozzi, G., ‘Sir Edwin Sandys e la “Relazione dello Stato della Religione’”, Rivista Storica Italiana, LXXIX (1967), pp. 1113–18.Google Scholar

56 E. S. Sandys, Family of Sandys, p. 93 and n.

57 Cozzi, ‘Sandys e la “Relazione”’, pp. 1113–18.

58 Europae speculum… (The Hague, 1629), 214. On education and the instillation of virtue: pp. 21, 80.Google Scholar

59 Ibid. pp. 5, 6, 22.

60 The religion of protestants a safe way to salvation (Oxford, 1638), the preface to the author of ‘Charity maintain'd’ §§§3V.Google Scholar

61 Sandys, Europae speculum, p. 183.

62 On confession, ibid. p. 50; general assessment, ibid. p. 24.

63 1621 debates iv, 218.

64 Notes on the sixth book of the Laws of ecclesiastical polity in Hooker, , Works, ed. Keble, Church and Paget (7th edn, Oxford, 1888), III, 133.Google Scholar

65 Ibid, III, 132.

66 Europae speculum, p. 198, advising protestants to agree’ to abate the rigor of certain speculative opinions’ for the sake of unity.

67 The family connexions with Great Tew are discussed below.

68 See D'Ewes, , Journal (London, 1682), pp. 500ff.Google Scholar

69 On Sandys and Hooker see Hill, W. Speed, ‘The evolution of Hooker's” Laws of ecclesiastical polity”’, in Studies in Richard Hooker, ed. Hill, W. Speed (Cleveland, 1972), esp. pp. 132ff.Google Scholar

70 Journals of H. of C, 1, 498. Presumably the second sentence should read: ‘where all of them…’.

71 Kingsbury, Records, iv, 194.

72 Bargrave appears to have changed sides several times in pursuit of his own interests, and was at the time of this conversation probably trying to gain Rich's support for his suit against Smythe. Three years earlier he had been currying favour with Sandys and Nicholas Ferrar, by granting shares to the latter's friends: ibid. 1, 344.

73 Neill, E. D., The English colonization of America during the seventeenth century (London, 1871), pp. 96–7.Google Scholar

74 Gabrieli, ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma’, p. 248. Cavendish also performed the introduction to court of the new Venetian ambassador, Alvise Valaressio, in june 1622 (ibid. p. 247 and Calendar of state papers (Venetian), xvii (1621–3), 356).

75 Gardiner, History, iv, 133.

76 1621 debates, 11, 445, 451.

77 Ibid, iv, 437.

78 Ibid, III, 345. On 21 November Sandys ‘by a letter to Mr Speaker excuses his absence by reson of sickness’ (ibid, in, 412); he had been released from confinement by the King on 15 November (ibid, v, 206).

79 Ibid. 11, 469 (29 Nov.); 482 (1 Dec ); for discussions of the fishing bill see ibid. 11, 321; iii, 81; iv, 386; v, 378.

80 R.C.H. MSS, Report on the miscell. deeds…of the earls and dukes of Devonshire, Appendix, item 2. The letter is printed in Prothero, G. W., Select statutes and other constitutional documents…1558–1625 (Oxford, 1913; 4th edn), pp. 310–11.Google Scholar

81 Toennies, ‘Contributions’, p. 84. Details of Mason's career are given in the D.N.B. (in the entry on another Robert Mason) and in Alumni Cantabrigienses, ed. Venn, and Venn, (Cambridge, 1924)Google Scholar, part I, vol. HI, 157. See also Cambridge University Library MS Mm. 1.38, which indicates that Mason was on public service abroad as early as May 1625 (pp. 270–1, 275).

82 Toennies, ‘Contributions’, p. 82.

83 Ibid. p. 83.

84 Hobbes, English works, VIII, viii.

85 Ibid. p. ix.

86 Gabrieli, ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma’, p. 203.

87 For the will, which left a gold vinaigrette to Cavendish and a ring to Sackville, see Spedding, J., The letters and life of Francis Bacon (London, 1861–74), vii, 228, 542Google Scholar; the will was drawn up in 1621. See also ibid, vii, 529 for a letter to Sackville. Danvers’ intimacy with Bacon is recorded in Aubrey, Brief lives, vol. 11, part 1, 222. G. C. Robertson gives further evidence of Cavendish's friendship with the chancellor: Hobbes (Edinburgh, 1886), p. 19 n. 2Google Scholar. One should of course add that Southampton was influential in bringing about Bacon's downfall: Rowse, A. L., Shakespeare's Southampton, patron of Virginia (London, 1965), p. 270.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

88 For Richard Herbert see Wilkinson, , Adventurers of Bermuda, p. 380Google Scholar. The Edward Herbert of the Virginia Company was attending its meetings during his namesake's residence in Paris. Neill's attribution is in English colonization, p. 112.

89 Thomas White's ‘De Mundo’ examined, tr. Jones, H. W. (London, 1976), p. 87Google Scholar. If it was at this time that Hobbes read all the works to which he goes on to refer in connexion with this observation (ibid. pp. 88–91), then his interest must have been a considerable one.

90 Calendar of State Papers (Domestic) (1619–23) p. 77 records a letter from Killigrew to Carleton (14 Sept. 1619): ‘Sends him a perspective glass, after having forty broken in getting it ground.’

91 Peckard, P., Memoirs of the life of Mr Nicholas Ferrar (Cambridge, 1790), pp. 50, 57.Google Scholar

92 On Winston, see Maycock, Nicholas Ferrar, pp. 23–4; on Briggs, see Peckard, Memoirs, p. 91 and n.

93 Briggs, ’ tract, Of the northwest passage by the South Sea, is printed in ‘The English experience… in facsimile’ no. 276 (Amsterdam, 1970). A letter from a colonist to Winston is given in Kingsbury, Records, iv, 37.Google Scholar

94 See e.g. Court of 9 June 1624; Kingsbury, Records, n, 539. Anthony's chief claim to fame was his ‘aurum potabile’. See Debus, A. G., The English Paracelsians (London, 1965), pp. 142–5. The entry on Anthony in Alumni Cantabrigienses corrects the chronology of the D.N.B. article; but it in turn must be mistaken in giving the date of his death as 26 May 1623, if my identification is correct. The Court Book records him as ‘Dr Fr. Anthony’ (Kingsbury, Records, I, 265), and I have been unable to trace any other doctor of that name.Google Scholar

95 Johnson, F. R., ‘Thomas Digge's, the Copernican system and the idea of the infinity of the universe in 1576’, Huntington Library Bulletin, v (1934), 69117.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

96 On George Sandys’ career, and his connexions with Great Tew, see Davis, R. B., George Sandys, poet-adventurer (London, 1955).Google Scholar

97 Family trees are provided in E. S. Sandys, Family of Sandys. Immediately after being given two shares in the Company by George Sandys, Wenman attended the Court at which Wyatt was chosen as governor: Kingsbury, Records, 1, 436–7, 440.

98 Davis, George Sandys, p. 229; Kingsbury, Records, I, 300, 304, 341, 365, 372.

99 The presence of'mr Carew Rawleigh’ is recorded, with that of Hobbes, at a Court on 9 July 1623: ibid. 11, 462.

100 Davis, George Sandys, p. 233 (n. 26), pp. 238–40.

101 Aubrey, Brief lives, p. 307. Davenant was captured en route and taken to England.

102 Hobbes, English works, iii, 114.

103 A second necessary cause comes to light in part iv of Leviathan: ‘Philosophy was not risen to the Grecians, and other people of the west, whose commonwealths…. had never peace, but when their fears of one another were equal; nor the leisure to observe anything but one another.’ (ibid. p. 666). But Hobbes is unable to give an adequate account of the changes in the external relations of states, when he has already stated that any two sovereign powers are ipso facto in a condition of war (ibid. p. 115).

104 Hobbes, English works, 11, 12; iii, 114; iii, 665; Elements of law, ed. Toennies ( Cambridge, 1927), p. 50; English works, in, 239–40 (the use of colonial land is mentioned also on p. 335); iii, 216.

105 The date is supplied by the second prose Vita (Hobbes, Opera Latina 1, xxiv) which, like the first (ibid. 1, xiii) says they visited France and Italy. The verse autobiography adds Germany: ibid. 1, lxxxviii. None of these accounts specifies the date of their return.

106 C.S.P. (Venetian), XVIII, 106, 127, 270 (Carleton to Chamberlain); Carleton's first letter, dated 6/16 Sept., is printed in Dudley Carleton to John Chamberlain, 1603–1624, ed. Lee, M. (New Brunswick, 1972), pp. 167–9Google Scholar. For the sojourn with Parvis, see Gabrieli, ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma’, p. 246; Gabrieli also offers further evidence that Cavendish was in Rome in Nov. 1614 (ibid. p. 200 n. 12). The issue was first raised by Stoye, J. W. (English travellers abroad, 1604–166-;, London, 1952)Google Scholar, who adds the possibility of a meeting with Sir Edward Herbert in Rome (p. 129). One might also raise the possibility of a meeting with Nicholas Ferrar, who was based in Padua at this time; Peckard (Memoirs, p. 60) observes that ‘Mr Ferrar thus passing his time between Venice and Padua…was much sought after, and visited by the English who were then also on their travels’.

107 The list of M.P.s for 1614x in Kimbolton MS 143 is printed in The Palatine notebook, iii (1883), 126–31.

108 Journals of the H. of C. 1, 494: ’Sir Wm Cavendish:- Not to have a particular tax upon these Gentlemen.’ The account in 1621 debates, vii, 628ff. indicates that he was not an experienced speaker: ‘SIR WILLIAM CANDISH spake in their behalf and red it out of his table booke, and was tolde by SIR JHON SAVIL that it was the order of the house not to reade but to speake’ (p. 645). This debate was held, incidentally, only two days after Sandys’ great speech on elective and successive monarchies.

109 Details of Sir Francis Stewart, the second son of the second earl of Moray, are given in The Scots peerage, ed. Paul, Sir James Balfour (Edinburgh, 1904–14), vi, 318 and ix, 138; also in Aubrey, Brief lives, n, 2 (= 3rd vol.), 367 n.Google Scholar

110 Hakewill's speech, 1621 debates, iv, 54; the M.P.s in question were Sir Dudley Digges, Maurice Abbott and Sir Henry Pelham (ibid, v, 11, 461; iv, 29).

111 Margaret Cavendish also records that he then returned to England with Wotton: The life of the duke of Newcastle (London, 1915), p. 22Google Scholar. See also Smith, Logan Pearsall, The life and letters of Sir Henry Wotton (Oxford, 1907), 1, 120, 123.Google Scholar

112 The first letter is dated 31 Oct. 1615 (Gabrieli, ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma’, p. 246); the identification of the recipient of the letters is made by Gabrieli, ibid. pp. 244–6.

113 Carleton to Chamberlain, ed. Lee, p. 128.

114 Stoye, English travelers, p. 128 (referring curiously to ‘Horae Recidivae’); Gabrieli, ‘Bacone, la riforma e Roma’, p. 200 n. 12.

115 Horae subsecivae (London, 1620), pp. 33–9, 40.Google Scholar

116 Wolf, , Neue Wissenschaft, pp. 133–4; the dedication is on p. 136.Google Scholar

117 Home subsecivae, p. 533.

118 Bush, ‘Hobbes, Cavendish and “Essayes”’.

119 Home subsecivae, pp. 541–2. I am assuming that the publisher's statement that ‘The Author of this Booke I know not…’ (ibid. A2) is as disingenuous as it sounds.

120 Since this article was written, it has come to my notice that an earlier version of one of the Discourses in Horae subsecivae was published, also anonymously, in 1611 under the title A discourse against fiatterie. This discourse is not included in the Chatsworth manuscript, and it is therefore not clear what conclusions can be drawn about the latter's dating. But it does provide further evidence for the attribution to Cavendish, since the dedication, which is written very much in the tone of a social equal, is to Cavendish's brother-in-law, Lord Bruce.

See also the letter by Douglas Bush in the Times Literary Supplement, 31 July 1943, p. 367, for evidence of contemporary attributions of Horae subsecivae to Cavendish.

I am most grateful to Peregrine Horden, of All Souls College, Oxford, for his help in furnishing information about these works.