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The Dublin Society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey–Drennan dispute, 1792–1794*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Michael Durey
Affiliation:
Murdoch University

Abstract

This article is concerned with political divisions within the Dublin Society of United Irishmen in a period, 1792–1794, which historians, accepting the contemporary argument of its leaders, have generally agreed demonstrated the society's unity of purpose. It is argued that ideological tensions existed between the middle-class leadership and the middling-class rank and file which reflected the existence of two different conceptions of radicalism, one ‘Jacobin’ and one ‘sans-culotte’. These tensions are brought to light through an examination of the dispute between William Paulet Carey and William Drennan, which culminated in the latter's trial in 1794, and the career of the former until he exiled himself from Ireland after the ijg8 rebellion. It is further argued that, because these ideological differences have been ignored, historians have wrongly assumed that Carey was a political turncoat. In reality, he remained true to the sans-culotte principles of direct democracy and rotation of office, even after his ostracism. Carey's deep suspicion of the motivation of the United Irish leaders came to be accepted by Drennan in retrospect.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1994

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Footnotes

*

I am grateful to the Australian Research Council and the Twenty-Seven Foundation, University of London for financing the research on which this article is based. I wish to thank John Hooper and Bob Reece for their comments on an earlier version of this paper.

References

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41 These potential divisions in the Dublin United Irishmen have not been emphasized by historians, most of whom are content to see the society as ‘middle class’, i.e. they see the organization from the perspective of the leadership cadre. A partial exception to this is Nancy Curtin, who recognizes divisions and tensions within the Dublin society, but implies that these were unimportant before 1794. See Curtin, Nancy J., ‘The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794–6’, Irish Historical Studies, XXIV (1985), 463–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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57 Byrne, like other United Irishmen of his middling rank, such as the Dublin printer John Chambers, lost most of his possessions – and in Byrne's case his wife – when imprisoned in 1798. The professional men, at least those who under the Banishment Act went to the United States after 1798, seem to have fared somewhat better. At least forty-five members of the Dublin society went bankrupt between 1788 and 1803 (excluding Carey). McDowell, , ‘Personnel of the Dublin U.I.’, p. 18Google Scholar. Samuel Neilson, Belfast's most committed United Irishman, lost a fortune in the cause. Many of those who turned informer, for example Thomas Collins and John Hughes, did so only after bankruptcy.

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65 As a further, if minor, example of the way historians (unwittingly?) give only half a story, the case of what happened after the proclamation was issued is instructive. Most of the new battalion decided not to wear their uniforms that day, but a handful did so. Historians always mention one by name: Archibald Hamilton Rowan. No one has ever mentioned that Carey, too, deliberately paraded Dublin in his green uniform on that day (he wanted to show that his buttons did not proclaim ‘Liberty and Equality, and No King’, as rumour suggested). Carey himself would not have been surprised by these historians. Carey, Appeal, pp. 85–6.Google Scholar

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88 Higgins to Cooke, 13 Feb. 1797, I.S.P.O. 620/18/14. For an unsympathetic but colourful account of Higgins's life see Fitzpatrick, W. J., ‘The Sham Squire’, and the informers of 1798 (Dublin, 1895).Google Scholar

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