Article contents
The choice of Hercules: Henry IV as hero
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Abstract
In February 1610, the English chargé d'affaires reported that Henry IV of France, having decided to go to war in the Spanish Netherlands, had lately been measured for a new suit of armour, and had also displayed in his chamber a table or tableau, ‘wherein is paynted a man fleeing from Venus and the image of gaming, and following Hercules after two other images, of hope and fortune, with these verses: I go to the temple of virtue, hope and fortune precede me; farewell damned pleasure.’ This piece of visual propaganda encoded a variant of the Choice of Hercules, which appealed to the king's lifelong self-construct as heroic warrior. We trace the complex history of his heroic self-fashioning, showing how Henry IV after 1598 compensated for the absence of war through the hunt, gambling, and sexual domination. The dissonance between what Henry IV perceived himself to be and what he feared by 1610 he had become makes it easier to understand what drove him to his appointment in the rue de la Ferronerie.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996
References
1 Becher to Cecil, 18/28 Feb. 1610, London, Public Record Office (P.R.O.), State papers 78, vol. 56, fo. 30. Nothing more is known of this ‘table’, which has not been preserved.
2 David, Buisseret, Henry IV (London, 1984), p. 149.Google Scholar
3 Xenophon, , Memorabilia of Socrates (Boston, 1880), Bk. II. 1. 21–34.Google Scholar
4 Erwin, Panofsky, Hercules am scheidewege, Studien der Bibliothek Warburg, herausgegeben von Fritz Saxl, XVIII. (Berlin, 1930)Google Scholar. This story probably derives from the concept of the Pythagorean Y (pp. 44, 65–8).
5 Walter, Burkert, Greek religion (Cambridge, Mass, 1985), pp. 208–10.Google Scholar
6 ‘He is the prototype of the ruler who by virtue of his divine legitimation acts in an irresistible way for the good of mankind and finds his fulfilment among the gods.’ Ibid. p. 211.
7 Marcel, Simon, Hercule et le christianisme (Paris, 1955), passim.Google Scholar
8 Curtis Brown, Watson, Shakespeare and the renaissance concept of honor (Princeton, 1960), pp. 19–54.Google Scholar
9 Eugene M., Waith, The Herculean hero (New York, 1962), pp. 39–45.Google Scholar
10 Panofsky, Hercules. See particularly his discussion of Dürer's, Der Hercules, pp. 169–73.Google Scholar
11 Oskar, Seyffert, Dictionary of classical antiquities (New York, 1966 edn), p. 305.Google Scholar
12 Michael, Crawford, Roman republican coinage (2 vols., Cambridge, 1974), I, 412–3, 482Google Scholar, and pls. L: nos. 4, 5, 7; LVI: no. 2.
13 What is masculine is active, what is feminine is passive. What is moderate and controlled is masculine, what is excessive and uncontrolled is feminine, since in women the faculty of reason, though present, is inoperative. Even space is gendered. What is public is appropriate to males, what is private is appropriate to females. There is no honour to be gained from associating with women, since honour accrues only in the public sphere, from the approbation of one's male peers. Aristotle, Politics, 1260 a, cited in Roger, Just, Women in Athenian law and life (New York, 1989), pp. 188–93.Google Scholar
14 This idea is as old as the story of Samson in Judges 16.
15 In the theology and traditions of the Hebrew bible, war is holy war, and as God's holy warriors, soldiers in the armies of Israel were supposed to remain ritually pure, and to abstain from sexual contact, even with their wives, while on campaign. Some soldiers did actually practise such sexual abstinence as late as the tenth century B.C., as King David found out to his cost when he tried to cover up Bathsheba's pregnancy in 2 Samuel II.
16 Arlette, Jouanna, Ordre social: mythes et hiérarchies dans la France du XVle siècle (Paris, 1977), pp. 139–46Google Scholar; William L., Wiley, The gentleman of renaissance France (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 27–40, 177Google Scholar; Robert, Nye, Masculinity and male codes of honor in modern France (New York, 1993), pp. 15–46.Google Scholar
17 ‘Le sage et savant au conseil, sobre en nécessité, patient en disette, juste parmi la force, prompt, caut et hardi en l'exécution, diligent à poursuivre sa pointe ou la fortune qui se présente: bref, le mépriseur de son aise et de sa vie, quand il y va de l'honneur, est le parfait guerrier, qui ne peut être tel, sans avoir en soi toutes vertus accomplies.’ David Rivault de Fleurance (1596), quoted in Jouanna, , Ordre social, p. 141.Google Scholar
18 ‘Dépouillez-vous de tous vices et brûlez tout, aux fins que vous demeurrez avec la robe blanche de loyauté et affection que nous devons tous à notre maître. Car Dieu n'aide jamais les vitieux et voluptueux….’ Jouanna interprets the robe blanche as the mark of a kind of divine election. Blaise de Montluc, cited ibid. p. 142.
19 Pierre Brantôme, cited ibid. p. 143.
20 As the numerous plates in Panofsky's Hercules attest. See for example pl. 49 by Prospero Fontana (?), pls. 57 and 57a by Johann Sadeler, pl. 61 by Jan Wierx, and pl. 59 by Veronese.
21 The first known instance of the association of some form of gambling with Vice in depictions of the choice of Hercules is in 1595 by Annibale Carracci, who included playing cards among the attributes of Vice. Panofsky, , Hercules, pp. 124–5, and Pl. 65.Google Scholar
22 The positive association between this aspect of Fortune and the complex of honour/warfare/virtue is shown in Livy's apothegm Fortes Fortuna adiuvat (Fortune favours the brave), and Cicero's Duce virtute comite Fortuna (With Virtue as commander, with Fortune as companion).
23 There are even instances where a Hercules-like figure functions like Virtue, in chastising vicious Fortune. Rudolf, Wittkower, Allegory and the migration of symbols (Boulder, Colo., 1977), pp. 103–5.Google Scholar
24 Erwin, Panofsky, Studies in iconology (New York, 1972), pp. 161–2.Google Scholar
25 Corrado, Vivanti, ‘Henry IV, the Gallic Hercules’, Journal of the Warburg and Cortauld Institutes, XXX (1967), 176–97.Google Scholar
26 Marc-René, Jung, Hercule dans la littérature française du XVIe siècle (Geneva, 1966), pp. 174–8.Google Scholar
27 Ibid. p. 174.
28 P. R. O., SP 78/56, fo. 30.
29 Henry IV to Elizabeth I of England, 15 Nov. 1597, de Xivrey, Berger (ed.), Lettres missives de Henri IV [hereafter LM] (9 vols., Paris, 1843–1876), VII, 733.Google Scholar
30 John, Keegan, The mask of command (New York, 1987), pp. 10–1.Google Scholar
31 Louis XIII and Louis XIV went to war in person, but they did not lead the battle charge, as did Henry IV. See Edmund H., Dickerman, ‘Henry IV of France, the duel and the battle within’, Societas – A Review of Social History, III, 3 (1973), 217 and n. 73.Google Scholar
32 Nancy L., Roelker, Queen of Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret (Cambridge, 1968), p. 400.Google Scholar
33 Ibid. p. 405.
34 Ibid.
35 Henry IV to the seigneur de Miossens [Spring, 1575], LM, I, 81–2.
36 de Béthune, Maximilien, duke of Sully, ‘Vie abrégée des exploits et hautes merveilles de Henri le Grand…,’ Les Economies royales (4 vols., Amstelredam, 1638), I, 600–4Google Scholar, and Le mercure de France (Paris, 1609), p. 352.Google Scholar
37 Buisseret, , Henry IV, p. 25.Google Scholar
38 Jouanna, , Ordre social, p. 141.Google Scholar
39 Buisseret, , Henri IV, pp. 38–9.Google Scholar
40 Henry IV to the countess of Gramont, 9 Dec. 1585, LM, II, 155.
41 Angelo, Badoer, in Barrozzi, N and Berchet, G (eds.), Relationi degli stati europei letti al senato dagli ambasciatori Veneti nel secolo deamosettimo (10 vols., Venice, 1857), Ser. 2, 1, 110.Google Scholar
42 Pietro Duodo, 19 July 1597, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale (B. N.), Fonds Italien (F. It.) 1747, fo. 92V.
43 Jouanna, , Ordre social, pp. 141–2.Google Scholar
44 Henry IV to the baroness of Batz [31 May 1580], LM, 1, 302–3.
45 Henry IV to the countess of Gramont, 1 Mar. 1587, LM. II, 341–2.
46 Henry IV to the countess of Gramont, 15 Jul. 1590, LM, III, 216.
47 Henry IV to [the countess of Roche-Guyon], 31 [Aug.] 1590, LM, III, 194.
48 Henry IV to Gabrielle d'Estrées, 5 Apr. 1593, LM, III, 755.
49 Henry IV to Gabrielle d'Estrées, 25 Jun. 1593, LM, III, 808.
50 Henry IV to Catherine de Bourbon, 7 Jun. 1595, LM, IV, 364.
51 Henry IV to the seigneur de Mornay, 9 Jun. 1595, LM, IV, 372.
52 Henry IV to Catherine de Bourbon, 7 Jun. 1595, LM, IV, 364.
53 Henry IV to the parlement of Paris, 13 Apr. 1597, LM, IV, 744–5.
54 Villeroy to Constable Montmorency, 3 Apr. 1597, B. N., Fonds français (F. Fr.) 3548, fo. 53.
55 Henry IV to Catherine de Bourbon, 30 Aug. 1597, LM, IV, 838.
56 Unton to Elizabeth, 1 Feb. 1592, Joseph, Stevenson (ed.), Correspondence of Sir Henry Unton, 1591–92 (London, 1847), p. 291.Google Scholar
57 Henry IV to the countess of Gramont, 14 May 1590, LM, III, 194.
58 Duodo to the Doge and Senate, 21 Jun. 1597, B. N., F. It. 1746, fos. 72–4.
59 Bellièevre to Henry IV, 30 Jul. 1595, B. N., F. Fr. 15912, fo. 249.
60 Vivanti, , ‘Gallic Hercules’, pp. 186–94Google Scholar. See also Denis, Crouzet, ‘Henri IV, king of reason’, in Keith, Cameron (ed.), From Valois to Bourbon (Exeter, 1989), Studies in History no. 24, pp. 73–106.Google Scholar
61 Cited in Jean-Pierre, Babelon, Henri IV (Paris, 1981), p. 12.Google Scholar
62 Henry IV to Sully, 8 Apr. 1607, Maximilien de Béthune, duke of Sully, , ‘Memoires de sages et royales Oeconomies d'éstat de Henry le Grand,’ Joseph, Michaud and Jean, Poujoulat (eds.), Nouvelle collection des mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de France depuis le XIIIe siècle jusgu' à la fin du XVIIIe (32 vols., 3 series, Paris, 1850), series 2, vol. III, 201.Google Scholar
63 Henry IV to Constable Montmorency, 1 Sept. 1600, LM, V, 295.
64 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 16 Sept. 1600, LM, V, 306.
65 For the role of duelling in noble culture at this time, see François, Billacois, Le duel dans la societé française des XVIe–XVIIe siècles. Essai de psychosociologie historique (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar; also Wiley, , Gentleman, pp. 177–94.Google Scholar
66 Dickerman, , ‘The duel’, 207–20.Google Scholar
67 Henry IV to [the count of Beaumont], [25 May 1604], LM, VI, 252–3. Italics ours.
68 Contarini, 11 Aug. 1600, (Lyon), B. N., F. It. 1749, fo. 85.
69 Tomasseo, N (ed.), Relations des ambassadeurs sur les affaires de France au XVIe siècle (2 vols., Paris, 1838), II, 252.Google Scholar
70 Giovannini to the Grand Duke, 3 May 1600, Abel, Desjardins (ed.), Négotiations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane (5 vols., Paris, 1872–5), V, 416.Google Scholar
71 Henry IV to Constable Montmorency, 23 Feb. 1601, LM, V, 385.
72 Henry IV to Constable Montmorency, 30 Oct. [1604], LM, IX, 233.
73 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 10 Jan. 1606, LM, VI, 574.
74 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, 21 Oct. 1601, LM, VIII, 811.
75 Henry IV to Sully, 17 Mar. 1606, LM, VI, 588–9.
76 Burkert, , Greek religion, p. 209.Google Scholar
77 Vivanti, , ‘Gallic Hercules’, pl. 18h.Google Scholar
78 Giovannini to the Grand Duke, 12 Jan. 1603, Neg. Tosc., V, pp. 507–8.
79 Cavalli to the Doge and Senate, 25 Nov. 1601, B. N., F. It. 1750, fo. 161.
80 Contarini to the Doge and Senate, 8 Aug. 1600, B. N., F. It. 1749, fo. 80.
81 Edmund H., Dickerman, ‘Henry IV and the Juliers-Clèves crisis: the psychohistorical aspects’, French Historical Studies, VIII, 4 (1974), 626–53.Google Scholar
82 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 13 Mar. 1601, LM, V, 393.
83 Henry IV to Sully, 11 Jun. 1605, LM, VI, 455.
84 Henry IV to Constable Montmorency, 13 Aug. 1601, LM, V, 451.
85 Henry IV to Constable Montmorency, 25 Apr. 1602, LM, V, 579.
86 John, Dunkley, Gambling: a social and moral problem in France, 1685–1792. Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century: 235 (Oxford, 1985).Google Scholar
87 Caillois, R, Les jeux et les homines (Paris, 1958), pp. 42–3Google Scholar, cited in Dunkley, , Gambling, p. 11.Google Scholar
88 Erving Goffman, cited ibid.
89 Ibid. pp. 220–1.
90 Wiley, , Gentleman, pp. 150–3.Google Scholar
91 Bellièvre to Villeroy, 10 Aug. 1595, B. N., F. Fr. 15912, fo. 260.
92 Janine, Garrisson, Henry IV (Paris, 1984), pp. 200–1.Google Scholar
93 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 23 Mar. 1609, LM, VII, 689.
94 Barrozzi, and Berchet, , Relazioni, pp. 106–7.Google Scholar
95 Goffman, cited in Dunkley, , Gambling, p. 11.Google Scholar
96 Bareau argues, however, that some of these huge amounts reflect the king's complicity with Pimentel and Fernandez in a gambling scam to fleece his own courtiers, so great was the royal desire to win. Michel, Bareau, ‘Manuel Pimentel et le “jeu du roi” en 1608’, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, XXXVII, 2 (1975), 201–12Google Scholar. His argument is tendentious, and, given the contempt with which cheating at dice or cards was regarded among nobles, somewhat implausible. If any noble were implicated, it was Bassompierre, as Boisseret implies, and Henry was the mark. See Boisseret, , Henry IV, p. 105.Google Scholar
97 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, mid Sept. 1608, LM, VII, 604–5.
98 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 27 Jan. 1601, LM, V, 372.
99 On Henry IV's relationship with Marie de Medici, see Garrisson, , Henri IV, pp. 250–5.Google Scholar
100 Henry IV to Henriette d'Entragues, 7 Oct. 1599, LM, VIII, 738.
101 Giovannini to the Grand Duke, 24 Nov. 1599, Neg. Tosc, V, 376.
102 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, mid-August [1608], LM, VII, 595.
103 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, n.d., LM, IX, 342.
104 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, [1608], LM, VII, 664. Italics ours.
105 Roelker, , Queen of Navarre, pp. 400–1.Google Scholar
106 Henry IV to Marie de Medici, 3 Sept. 1601, LM, V, 462–3.
107 Henry IV to the princess of Orange, 2 Apr. 1606, LM, VI, 596.
108 Henry IV to Arnauld, cardinal d'Ossat, 24 Dec. 1601, LM, V, 518.
109 For arguments supporting the first hypothesis, see for example Roland, Mousnier, L'Assassinat d'Henri IV (Paris, 1964), pp. 119–20Google Scholar; for the second, Charles, Samaron, ‘Henri IV and Charlotte de Montmorency, princesse de Condé (décembre 1608–décembre 1609),’ Annuaire – Bulletin de l'histoire de France, Années 1950–51 (Paris, 1951)Google Scholar; for the third, Dickerman, ‘Juliers-Clèves crisis’.
110 Vivanti, , ‘Gallic Hercules’, p. 192.Google Scholar
111 As for the painter who executed the commission, we can only guess. Jacob Bunel was the favourite painter at Henry's court after the death of Toussaint Dubreuil in 1602. Two others of the so-called second Fontainebleau school are well known, Amboise Dubois and Martin Fréminet. See Buisseret, , Henry IV, pp. 180–1.Google Scholar
112 Dickerman, , ‘Juliers-Clèves crisis’, pp. 643, 645–6, 648.Google Scholar
113 Edmund H., Dickerman, ‘Conviction, ambition and the genesis of Sully's Économies Royales’, The Historical Journal, XXX, 3 (1987), 513–21.Google Scholar
114 His jeton for 1604 is an example. Edmund H., Dickerman and Anita M., Walker, ‘Monuments of his own magnificence: Henrichemont and the archaeology of Sully's mind’, French History, VI, 2 (1992), 168–9.Google Scholar
115 Le mercure de France (1609), pp. 346–52.Google Scholar
116 ER, ser. 2, vol. II, 319–20.
117 ER, ser. 2, vol. III, 223.
118 For examples, see Jouanna, , Ordre social, pp. 150–1Google Scholar; Edmund H., Dickerman, ‘The man and the myth in Sully's Economies Rqyales’, French Historical Studies, VII, 3 (1972), 307–32.Google Scholar
119 Henry IV to Sully, 8 Apr. 1607, ER, ser. 2, vol. III, 201. Italics ours. In 1610 this letter was in the possession of Sully, its recipient, not of Henry, its writer, a further argument for Sully as commissioner of the theme of the painting.
120 Georges, Minois, History of old age: from antiquity to the renaissance (Chicago, 1989), p. 249.Google Scholar
121 Ibid. pp. 262–3.
122 Henry IV to [the countess of Gramont], 14 May [1590], LM, III, 194.
123 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, 6 Oct. 1606, LM, VII, 12.
124 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, 14 Oct. 1607, LM, VII, 374.
125 Henry IV to the marquise of Verneuil, 13 Dec. 1607, LM, VII, 397–8.
126 Dickerman, , ‘Juliers-Cleves crisis’, pp. 638–45Google Scholar: Samaron, ‘Henri and Charlotte’, passim.
127 Malherbe to Peiresc, 19 Jul. 1609, cited in Samaron, , ‘Henri and Charlotte’, p. 106, n. 3.Google Scholar
128 Herouard, Louis XIII's physician, cited in Dickerman, , ‘Juliers-Clèves crisis’, p. 644, n. 109.Google Scholar
129 Henry IV to the duke of Aiguillon, 17 Dec. 1609, LM, VII, 818.
130 Henry IV to Preaus, [about 20 Feb. 1610], LM, VII, 838.
131 Botti to the Grand Duke, 30 Mar. 1610, Meg. Tosc., V, 605.
132 Henry IV to [Russy], 13 Apr. 1610, LM, VII, 882–3.
133 Henry IV to La Boderie, LM, VII, 890.
134 For details of this ambivalent behavior, see Dickerman, , ‘Juliers-Clèves crisis’, pp. 648–53Google Scholar; Crouzet, , ‘Henry IV, king of reason’, pp. 103–6.Google Scholar
135 Ibid. p. 105.
136 Jacques, Hennequin, Henri IV dans son oraisons funèbres (Paris, 1977).Google Scholar
137 Jacques, Thuillier and Jacques, Foucart, Rubens' life of Marie de'Medici (New York, 1970).Google Scholar
- 5
- Cited by