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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 September 2021
Bookbinders are still among the least known of the professions of the early modern Italian book trade, partly because they rarely signed their work. However, they had an undeniably fundamental role in the production and circulation of books (both manuscript and printed) across Italy, and especially in Venice, where the book trade was a particularly lively industry. In recent years, there has been a strong interest in early modern material culture but little attention has been paid to bookbinders, who quite literally shaped the materiality of books. This article looks at the scarcity of documentary sources on Venetian bookbinders between 1450 and 1630 both as a methodological challenge and as evidence of their role in local production and consumption of books. It explores both the lack of sources documenting the professional lives of binders, and sources traditionally underused in book history, to highlight the social lives of binders. Evidence of binders’ family finances, marriages, and social and geographical mobilities is used to identify their lower social standing in the early modern Venetian book world in comparison to booksellers, the overlapping of their professional roles, and the locations of binders’ workshops in the topography of the city.
1 Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Venice (ASV), Arti, b. 163, no. I, fo. 28v (‘il qual rispose non vender libri ma solamente esser simplice ligador’) (1581) and fo. 30r (‘disse d'esser simplice ligador de libri, et non esercitar altro’) (2 Nov. 1581). Names from primary sources are spelled as they appear if they are single occurrences or have a consistent spelling in the documents.
2 Similarly, pedlars often emphasized their own poverty when petitioning for licences to sell prints in the streets. See Rosa Salzberg, Ephemeral city: cheap print and urban culture in Renaissance Venice (Manchester, 2014), p. 87.
3 The crisis of the Italian book trade was caused by both cultural and other factors, such as a new outbreak of the plague and the Thirty Years’ War. See Angela Nuovo, The book trade in the Italian Renaissance (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2013), pp. 48–51.
4 See Rublack, Ulinka, ‘Matter in the material Renaissance’, Past & Present, 219 (2013), pp. 41–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 45.
5 Shapin, Steven, ‘The invisible technician’, American Scientist, 77 (1989), pp. 554–63Google Scholar.
6 Mann, Judith W., ‘Identity signs: meanings and methods in Artemisia Gentileschi's signatures’, Renaissance Studies, 23 (2009), pp. 71–107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Matthew, Louisa C., ‘The painter's presence: signatures in Venetian Renaissance pictures’, Art Bulletin 80 (1998), pp. 616–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 616.
8 Franca Petrucci Nardelli, ‘Il legatore: un mestiere fra organizzazione e sfruttamento’, in Marina Regni and Piera Giovanna Tordella, eds., Conservazione dei materiali librari, archivistici e grafici (2 vols., Turin, 1996–9), I, pp. 329–32.
9 Mirjam M. Foot, ‘Bookbinding research: pitfalls, possibilities and needs’, in Mirjam M. Foot, ed., Eloquent witnesses: bookbindings and their history (London, 2004), pp. 13–29, at p. 16.
10 Graziano Ruffini, Cristoforo Zabata. Libraio, editore e scrittore del Cinquecento (Florence, 2014), pp. 33–4, 187–202. On unfinished bindings, see Pickwoad, Nicholas, ‘Unfinished business: incomplete bindings made for the booktrade from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century’, Quaerendo, 50 (2020), pp. 41–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 On the complex relationship between cultural and economic histories of early modern Italy, see Trivellato, Francesca, ‘Economic and business history as cultural history: pitfalls and possibilities’, I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 22 (2019), pp. 402–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 See the appendix in the Supplementary Material for details.
13 I am indebted to Catherine Kikuchi for bringing this source to my attention in the first place. See Mario Infelise, ‘Note per una ricerca sull'editoria veneziana del ’500’, in Marco Santoro, ed., La stampa in Italia nel Cinquecento. Atti del Convegno, Roma 17–21 ottobre 1989 (Rome, 1992), pp. 633–40. Photographs of the original are available for on-site consultation at the Archivio.
14 See Athos Bellettini, ‘Gli “status animarum”: caratteristiche e problemi di utilizzazione nelle ricerche di demografia storica’, in Le fonti della demografia storica in Italia. Atti del Seminario di demografia storica 1971–1972 (Rome, 1974), pp. 3–42.
15 On popolani in Venice, see Claire Judde de Larivière and Rosa Salzberg, ‘“Le peuple est la cité”: l'idée de popolo et la condition des popolani à Venise (XVe–XVIe siècles)’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 68 (2013), pp. 1113–40, esp. pp. 1128, 1132 for identification by professions.
16 The ligadori del fontego dei Tedeschi belonged to the German minority in Venice (often from Bolzano). See Natalino Bonazza, Isabella Di Leonardo, and Gianmario Guidarelli, eds., La chiesa di San Bartolomeo e la comunità tedesca a Venezia (Venice, 2013). In these three cases, the names only appear once, and the profession of these individuals cannot be confirmed.
17 Valentina Sapienza, ‘(Intorno a) Leonardo Corona (1552–1596): documenti, fonti e indagini storico-contestuali’ (PhD thesis, Venice–Tours, 2011), p. 221. On Damiano Zenaro, see Patrizia Bravetti, ‘Damiano Zenaro: editore e libraio del Cinquecento’, in Simonetta Pelusi and Alessandro Scarsella, eds., Humanistica Marciana. Saggi offerti a Marino Zorzi (Milan, 2008), pp. 127–32.
18 1731 more veneto (the Venetian calendar started on 1 Mar.).
19 Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice, Mariegole, Mariegola 119, fo. 121r–v (20 June 1736). The act of foundation specifically prohibited any bookseller from entering the Arte dei Legatori, and any bookbinder from applying to enter the Arte dei Libreri, unless the applicant possessed the experience necessary to practise both professions. Those applying to become members of the Arte dei Legatori would also have their skills tested by completing ‘a missal, to be bound with gilt edges, and covered in black goatskin, tooled in gold in whatever fashion the Capo Colonna desires’. See Carnelos, Laura, ‘La corporazione e gli esterni: stampatori e librai a Venezia tra norma e contraffazione (XVI–XVIII)’, Società e storia, 130 (2010), pp. 657–88Google Scholar.
20 Elena Favaro, L'arte dei pittori in Venezia e i suoi statuti (Florence, 1975), p. 152.
21 On craft guilds and economic history, see mainly Epstein, S. R., ‘Craft guilds in the pre-modern economy: a discussion’, Economic History Review, 61 (2008), pp. 155–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Caracausi, Andrea, ‘A reassessment of the role of guild courts in disputes over apprenticeship contracts: a case study from early modern Italy’, Continuity and Change, 32 (2017), pp. 85–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 Graham Pollard, Early bookbinding manuals: an annotated list of technical accounts of bookbinding to 1840 (Oxford, 1984).
23 Ibid.
24 Girolamo Ruscelli, Secreti del reverendo donno Alessio piemontese, nuovamente posti in luce (Venice, 1555), pp. 180–1. See Mirjam M. Foot, Bookbinders at work: their roles and methods (London, 2006), pp. 68–9.
25 Darnton, Robert, ‘What is the history of books?’, Daedalus, 111 (1982), pp. 65–83Google Scholar. On books being sold already bound, see Anthony Hobson, Apollo and Pegasus: an enquiry into the formation and dispersal of a Renaissance library (Amsterdam, 1975), pp. 102–5; Stevens, Kevin M., ‘A bookbinder in early seventeenth-century Milan: the shop of Pietro Martire Locarno’, Library, 18 (1996), pp. 306–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 309.
26 See, for instance, Fattori, Daniela, ‘Venezia e la stampa glagolitica: i Cimalarca’, Studi Veneziani, 45 (2003), pp. 213–28Google Scholar; Suraiya Faroqhi, Pilgrims and sultans: the Hajj under the Ottomans, 1517–1683 (London, 1994).
27 On present absences and materiality, see Meyer, Morgan, ‘Placing and tracing absence: a material culture of the immaterial’, Journal of Material Culture, 17 (2012), pp. 103–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Paul F. Grendler, ‘Education in the Republic of Venice’, in Eric Dursteler, ed., A companion to Venetian history, 1400–1797 (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2013), pp. 675–99, at pp. 682–3.
29 See Douglas Biow, Doctors, ambassadors, secretaries: humanism and professions in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL, 2002), pp. 1–26.
30 See Salzberg, Ephemeral city, p. 34.
31 Foot, Bookbinders at work, p. 128.
32 ASV, Savi all'Eresia (Santo Ufficio), b. 28 (1570). See Paul F. Grendler, The Roman inquisition and the Venetian press, 1540–1605 (Princeton, NJ, 1977), pp. 143–4.
33 Anthony Hobson, Renaissance book collecting: Jean Grolier and Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, their books and bindings (Cambridge, 1999), p. 108.
34 Ambroise Firmin-Didot, Alde Manuce et l'hellenisme à Venise (Paris, 1875), pp. 98–9.
35 ASV, Arti, Arte dei libreri e stampadori, b. 163, I, fo. 57r.
36 On pragmatic literacy, see Michael T. Clanchy, From memory to written record: England, 1066–1307 (3rd edn, Chichester and Malden, MA, 2013), pp. 329–35.
37 Anthony Hobson, Humanists and bookbinders: the origins and diffusion of humanistic bookbinding, 1459–1559 (Cambridge, 1989), esp. pp. 3–12, 41–50; Orfea Granzotto, ‘Alcune note su Felice Feliciano legatore’, in Agostino Contò and Leonardo Quaquarelli, eds., L’‘antiquario’ Felice Feliciano veronese tra epigrafia antica, letteratura e arti del libro. Atti del convegno di studi, Verona 3–4 giugno 1993 (Padua, 1995), pp. 221–9.
38 For the signatures of German binders, see Franca Petrucci Nardelli, Legatura e scrittura. Testi celati, messaggi velati, annunci palesi (Florence, 2007), pp. 134–43. For Flemish binders, see Staffan Fogelmark, Flemish and related panel-stamped bindings: evidence and principles (New York, NY, 1990).
39 Camerino: Tammaro De Marinis, La legatura artistica in Italia nei secoli XV e XVI. Notizie ed elenchi (3 vols., Florence, 1960), II, p. 67, no. 1476. Pisano: Franca Petrucci Nardelli, ‘Un legatore viterbese del Quattrocento: per l'identificazione della figura di in artigiano del libro’, in Arnaldo Ganda, Elisa Grignani, and Alberto Petrucciani, eds., Libri, tipografi, biblioteche. Ricerche storiche dedicate a Luigi Balsamo, vol. 2 (Florence, 1997), pp. 355–62. Coronensis: Marianne Rozsondai, ‘Sulle legature in cuoio dorato per Mattia Corvino’, in Nel segno del corvo. Libri e miniature della biblioteca di Mattia Corvino re d'Ungheria (1443–1490) (Modena, 2002), pp. 248–59. Lodewijk: Hobson, Renaissance book collecting, p. 129. Rossi: see the entry in the Manus Online database for MS Ferrara, Biblioteca comunale Ariostea, Classe I, Cl. I. 215 (CNMD\0000051232), https://manus.iccu.sbn.it/opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=51232.
40 Marin Sanudo, I diarii di Marino Sanuto (MCCCCXCVI–MDXXXIII) dall'autografo Marciano ital. cl. VII codd. CDXIX–CDLXXVII, ed. Rinaldo Fulin, Federico Stefani, Nicolò Barozzi, et al. (58 vols., Venice, 1879), VI, pp. 259–60. See also Iain Fenlon, The ceremonial city: history, memory and myth in Renaissance Venice (New Haven, CT, 2007), pp. 129–30.
41 Sanudo, I diarii, VI, p. 264.
42 On illiteracy in tradesmen, see Armando Petrucci, ‘Scrittura, alfabetismo ed educazione grafica nella Roma del primo Cinquecento: da un libretto di conti di Maddalena pizzicarola in Trastevere’, Scrittura e civiltà, 2 (1978), pp. 163–207.
43 Massimo Rospocher and Rosa Salzberg, ‘“El vulgo zanza”: spazi, pubblici, voci a Venezia durante le Guerre d'Italia’, Storica, 48 (2010), pp. 83–120, at pp. 95–105; Nuovo, Book trade, pp. 411–20. On commercial enterprises as spaces of communication in early modern Venice, see Filippo de Vivo, ‘Pharmacies as centres of communication in early modern Venice’, Renaissance Studies, 21 (2007), pp. 505–21; Evelyn Welch, ‘Space and spectacle in the Renaissance pharmacy’, Medicina & Storia, 8 (2008), pp. 127–58.
44 See Martin Lowry, ‘The “New Academy” of Aldus Manutius: a Renaissance dream’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 58 (1976), pp. 378–420, at pp. 383–4.
45 Enrico Valseriati, ‘Il superamento del pregiudizio meccanico: mobilità sociale e geografica a Brescia tra prima e seconda dominazione veneziana’, in Andrea Gamberini, ed., Mobilità sociale nel Medioevo italiano, 2: Stato e istituzioni, secoli XIV–XV (Rome, 2017), pp. 189–214.
46 See Paolo Cherchi, Enciclopedismo e politica della riscrittura. Tommaso Garzoni (Pisa, 1981), pp. 41–82.
47 Tomaso Garzoni, La piazza universale di tutte le professioni del mondo, ed. Paolo Cherchi and Beatrice Collina (Turin, 1996), p. 1335: ‘Per un'altra ragione si dice che la professione de’ librai sia molto nobile, perché sempre sono in compagnia di persone letterate e virtuose … Ha del nobile parimente quest'arte perché non è sporca niente in se stessa, ma netta, et polita.’ Translation from Salzberg, Ephemeral city, p. 31. See Rosa Salzberg, ‘Masculine republics: establishing authority in the early modern Venetian printshop’, in Susan Broomhall and Jacqueline Van Gent, eds., Governing masculinities in the early modern period: regulating selves and others (Farnham, 2011), pp. 47–65, at pp. 54–5.
48 Foot, Bookbinders at work, p. 120.
49 Ibid., pp. 118, 120, 133.
50 Ibid., pp. 115–18.
51 For spouses of scholars as hindrance, see Rosa Salzberg, ‘The richest man in Italy: Aldo Manuzio and the value of male friendships’, in Peter Sherlock and Megan Cassidy-Welch, eds., Practices of gender in late medieval and early modern Europe (Turnhout, 2008), pp. 177–98, at p. 195, for the case of Aldus Manutius. As a resource, see Ann M. Blair, Too much to know: managing scholarly information before the modern age (New Haven, CT, 2010), pp. 104–5.
52 ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 974, no. 7 (17 Sept. 1517). See Deborah Parker, ‘Women in the book trade in Italy, 1475–1620’, Renaissance Quarterly, 49 (1996), pp. 509–41, at pp. 520–1; Marco Santoro, ‘Imprenditrici o “facenti funzioni”?’, in Marco Santoro, ed., La donna nel Rinascimento meridionale. Atti del convegno internazionale, Roma, 11–13 novembre 2009 (Pisa, 2010), pp. 371–82, at p. 372. The nuns of the monastery of Santa Maria Maddalena in Padua bound missals: see Antonio Barzon, ‘Saggi di rilegature (codici e incunabuli della Biblioteca Capitolare)’, in Libri e stampatori in Padova. Miscellanea di studi storici in onore di G. Bellini, tipografo editore libraio (Padua, 1959), pp. 297–318, at p. 306.
53 On mobility in the Venetian book trade, see Salzberg, Ephemeral city, pp. 73–81.
54 Antonio Sartori, ‘Documenti padovani sull'arte della stampa nel sec. XV’, in Libri e stampatori in Padova, pp. 111–231, at pp. 135–6. On Antonio Avignone, see Daniela Fattori, ‘La bottega di un libraio padovano nel 1477’, Bibliofilía, 112 (2010), pp. 229–43.
55 He appears as a witness in ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 930, no. 579 (5 June 1529).
56 On the dowries of artisans in Verona, see Zoe Farrell, ‘The materiality of marriage in the artisan community of Renaissance Verona’, Historical Journal, 63 (2020), pp. 243–66; see also Ioanna Iordanou, ‘Pestilence, poverty, and provision: re-evaluating the role of the popolani in early modern Venice’, Economic History Review, 69 (2016), pp. 801–22.
57 The instrumentum dotale of Andrea and Anastasia, produced as proof in 1533, was dated 1516 (ASV, Giudici del Proprio, Vadimoni, b. 3, reg. 18, fo. 62v) (7 Oct. 1533); see also an inventory of her possessions, valued at 180 ducats, in ASV, Giudici del Proprio, Mobili, b. 3, reg. 5, fos. 217r–219r (7 Oct. 1533).
58 As mentioned in Domenico's will (ASV, Notarile, Atti, b. 209, no. 147, and b. 211, fos. 76v–77r).
59 Grendler, Roman inquisition, p. 18; Stanley Chojnacki, ‘Dowries and kinsmen in early Renaissance Venice’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 5 (1975), pp. 571–600.
60 The decime were a tax on estates. In 1514, a fire destroyed archives held at the Rialto, and therefore a new estimate (redecima) was compiled; see Bernardo Canal, ‘Il Collegio, l'Ufficio e l'Archivio dei Dieci Savi alle Decime in Rialto’, Nuovo Archivio Veneto, 16 (1908), pp. 115–50, 279–310. The 1514 redecima is available on the ASV website (http://www.archiviodistatovenezia.it/).
61 Monica Chojnacka, ‘Women, men, and residential patterns in early modern Venice’, Journal of Family History, 25 (2000), pp. 6–25, at p. 9.
62 ASV, San Lorenzo (Venezia), Atti, b. 9, reg. 3, unnumbered [Intrade del monasterio de S. Lorenzo in la contrada de S. Severo in Borgolocho]: no. 12 (undated).
63 ASV, Notarile, Atti, b. 10642, fo. 258v (4 Nov. 1547).
64 Grendler, Roman inquisition, p. 20.
65 Ibid., pp. 19–21.
66 ASV, Giudici del Procurator, Estraordinario Nodari, reg. 29, fo. 73v (Sept. 1540).
67 Hobson, Renaissance book collecting, p. 116.
68 Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: consumer cultures in Italy, 1400–1600 (New Haven, CT, 2005), pp. 40–1.
69 See Stevens, ‘A bookbinder in early seventeenth-century Milan’, p. 318.
70 Pamela H. Smith, ‘Science on the move: recent trends in the history of early modern science’, Renaissance Quarterly, 62 (2009), pp. 345–75, at p. 362.
71 Petrucci Nardelli, ‘Il legatore’.
72 Armando Petrucci, ‘Sulla legatoria romana del XVIII sec.’, Bibliofilía, 63 (1961), pp. 165–95.
73 ASV, Mensa Patriarcale, b. 61, 1508–11, fo. 20 (various dates).
74 Gabriele Mazzucco, ‘Legature rinascimentali di edizioni di Aldo Manuzio’, in Susy Marcon and Marino Zorzi, eds., Aldo Manuzio e l'ambiente veneziano, 1494–1515 (Venice, 1994), pp. 135–79, at p. 136. See also De Marinis, La legatura, I, p. 32: here a patron in Rome paid for ‘boards, thread, leather, and metal furnishings’.
75 See Jola Pellumbi, ‘Revealing and concealing: official male dress in early modern Venice, 1520–1610’ (PhD thesis, Kings College London, 2017), pp. 178, 220.
76 ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 348, not. Giovanni Andrea Catti, no. 450 (5 Nov. 1615, cedola from 31 Oct.). I would like to thank Isabella Cecchini for pointing out this source to me.
77 ASV, Santa Croce della Giudecca, b. 8, fasc. 464 (various dated in May 1493).
78 See Diane Wolfthal, In and out of the marital bed: seeing sex in Renaissance Europe (New Haven, CT, 2010), pp. 82–5; Alexander Cowan, ‘Seeing is believing: urban gossip and the balcony in early modern Venice’, Gender & History, 23 (2011), pp. 721–38. On prostitution in Venice, see Paula C. Clarke, ‘The business of prostitution in early Renaissance Venice’, Renaissance Quarterly, 68 (2015), pp. 419–64.
79 For examples of former concubines married off to men of lower social status, see Joanne M. Ferraro, Marriage wars in late Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 2001), pp. 105–8.
80 On endo- and exogamy, see Anna Bellavitis, Identité, mariage, mobilité sociale. Citoyennes et citoyens à Venise au XVIe siècle (Rome, 2001), pp. 235–4.
81 ASV, Giudici del Procurator, Sentenze a legge, reg. 24, fos. 110v–115r.
82 For Alberto, see ibid., fo. 113v. In ASV, Giudici del Proprio, Vadimoni, b. 3, reg. 18, fo. 62v (7 Oct. 1533), Andrea is called ‘librarius’, but elsewhere – e.g. ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 1184, no. 301 (1 June 1514); Notarile, Testamenti, b. 190, no. 341 (1521) – he is called bookbinder. For Domenico, see below.
83 See Anthony Hobson, ‘Booksellers and bookbinders’, in Robin Myers and Michael Harris, eds., A genius for letters: booksellers and bookselling from the 16th to the 20th century (Winchester, 1995), pp. 1–14.
84 Grendler, Roman inquisition, p. 4; Jane A. Bernstein, Print culture and music in sixteenth-century Venice (Oxford, 2001), pp. 9–11.
85 Salzberg, Ephemeral city, p. 73.
86 Anna Gialdini, ‘Selling paper in early modern Venice: paper-retailers and the “libri da carta bianca”’, in Daniel Bellingradt and Anna Reynolds, eds., The paper trade of early modern Europe: practices, materials, networks (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2021), pp. 31–54.
87 For instance, ASV, Mensa Patriarcale, b. 157, I, fo. 70, II, fo. 111, III, fo. 160; b. 159, I, fo. 111, II, fo. 160 (various dates).
88 For England and France, see Foot, Bookbinders at work, pp. 35–40.
89 ASV, Signori di notte, Criminale, reg. 15, fo. 37r (23 Mar. 1485): ‘Presbiter Andreas Bidolus ligator librorum qui non constat off(ici)o sit presbiter’.
90 He has been identified with the Rosettenmeister: see Ilse Schunke, ‘Venezianische Renaissanceeinbände: ihre Entwicklung und ihre Werkstätten’, in Studi di bibliografia e di storia in onore di Tammaro De Marinis (4 vols., Verona, 1964), IV, pp. 123–200, at pp. 153–4.
91 ASV, Collegio, Notatorio, reg. 16, fo. 40v (28 Feb. 1509 = 1508 m.v.). See Rinaldo Fulin, ‘Documenti per servire alla storia della tipografia veneziana’, Archivio Veneto, 23 (1882), pp. 84–212, at p. 171.
92 Tiziana Sterza, ‘Manuzio, Paolo’, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 69 (Rome, 2007), pp. 250–4.
93 ASV, Arti, b. 163, no. I, fo. 120v (17 Dec. 1596), and no. III, fo. 58r–v (21 Mar. 1628).
94 See Laura Carnelos, ‘Libri da grida, da banco e da bottega: editoria di consumo a Venezia tra norma e contraffazione (XVII–XVIII)’ (PhD thesis, Venice, 2009), pp. 16–63.
95 ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 190, no. 367 (20 June 1519).
96 ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, b. 3666/26, fos. 43r, 44r (= fos. 51r, 52r) (11 and 12 Oct. 1528).
97 Carnelos, ‘Libri da grida’, pp. 51–2.
98 An example of a son following in his father's footsteps is that of the stationers Battista de Sano and his son Domenico (see Gialdini, ‘Selling paper’). Francesco de Longis, son of Andrea, discussed above, was also a bookseller (ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 976, no. 127; b. 209, nos. 46 and 269). On apprenticeships in Venice, including in the book professions, see Anna Bellavitis, Martina Frank, and Valentina Sapienza, eds., Garzoni. Apprendistato e formazione tra Venezia e l'Europa in età moderna (Mantua, 2017).
99 ASV, Giustizia Vecchia, Accordi dei garzoni, b. 115, reg. 157, fo. 53r.
100 See the case of the goldsmith maestro Alvise in Padua in the 1520s (Barzon, ‘Saggi di rilegature’, p. 314). On relations between stationers and goldsmiths, see Anna Melograni, ‘Oro, battiloro, orefici e la produzione libraria tra Medioevo e Rinascimento’, in Paola Venturelli, ed., Oro dai Visconti agli Sforza. Smalti e oreficeria nel Ducato di Milano (Milan, 2011), pp. 63–77.
101 ASV, Giustizia Vecchia, Accordi dei garzoni, b. 115, reg. 155, fo. 103v.
102 Barzon, ‘Saggi di rilegature’, p. 314.
103 ASV, Procuratori di San Marco, Procuratori ‘de supra’, Chiesa, Registri, b. 3 (28 Feb. 1574 = 1573 m.v.).
104 ASV, Giustizia Vecchia, Accordi dei garzoni, b. 118, reg. 164, fo. 199v.
105 ASV, Giustizia Vecchia, Accordi dei garzoni, b. 115, reg. 158, fo. 128v.
106 On the Scotto printers, see Bernstein, Print culture, pp. 115–28.
107 ASV, Giudici dell'esaminador, Testamenti rilevati per breviario, vol. 15, fo. 22v (29 July 1530). See Hobson, ‘Booksellers and bookbinders’, p. 8.
108 ASV, Giudici del Procurator, Estraordinario Cogitori, b. 15, fo. 8r–v (9 Dec. 1536).
109 See Helena K. Szépe, ‘The book as companion, the author as friend: Aldine octavos illuminated by Benedetto Bardon’, Word and Image, 11 (1995), pp. 77–99.
110 Spiegel sent a poorly bound copy of the Aldine Pontanus to Aldus, imploring him to take care that the ‘dearest’ book be rebound in Venice and sent back. Pierre de Nolhac, Les correspondants d'Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d'histoire littéraire (Rome, 1888), pp. 69–70, no. 58.
111 Mazzucco, ‘Legature rinascimentali’.
112 Nicholas Pickwoad, ‘Books bound after what manner you please’, in Mario Infelise, ed., Aldo Manuzio. La costruzione del mito (Venice, 2017), pp. 226–58; Mirjam M. Foot, ‘The binders who worked for the bookshop “al segno del'ancora et dolphin”’, in Natale Vacalebre, ed., Five centuries later: Aldus Manutius: culture, typography and philology (Florence and Milan, 2018), pp. 95–101.
113 Carlo Federici and Melania Zanetti, ‘Le legature dei libri di Aldo’, in Infelise, ed., Aldo Manuzio, pp. 198–225.
114 Anthony Hobson, ‘Was there an Aldine bindery?’, in David S. Zeidberg and Fiorella Superbi Gioffredi, eds., Aldus Manutius and Renaissance culture: essays in memory of Franklin D. Murphy: acts of an international conference (Venice and Florence, 14–17 June 1994) (Florence, 1998), pp. 237–45.
115 Petrucci, ‘Sulla legatoria romana’.
116 In Ruffini, Cristoforo Zabata, pp. 36, 203–4.
117 Francesco Barberi, ‘Un inventario e un catalogo di librai romani del Cinquecento’, in Miscellanea in memoria di Giorgio Cencetti (Turin, 1973), pp. 339–61, esp. 356–7.
118 See Trombetta, Vincenzo, ‘Libri e biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù a Napoli dalle origini all'Unità d'Italia’, Hereditas Monasteriorum, 4 (2014), pp. 127–60Google Scholar, at p. 128.
119 Anna Contadini, ‘Cuoridoro: tecnica e decorazione di cuoi dorati veneziani e italiani con influssi islamici’, in Ernst J. Grube, ed., Arte veneziana e arte islamica. Atti del primo simposio internazionale sull'arte veneziana e l'arte islamica (Venice, 1989), pp. 231–51. Murat, Zuleika, ‘Leather manufacturing and circulating models in the Middle Ages: from a Byzantine patena in Halberstadt to a Veneto-Cretan icon in Ljubljana’, Zbornik za Umetnostno Zgodovino, 47 (2011), pp. 75–97Google Scholar, at p. 84.
120 Mario Gallina, ‘Un aspetto poco noto dell'economia veneto-cretese: il commercio delle pelli nella seconda metà del Trecento (dai registri notarili candioti)’, Thesaurismata, 39–40 (2009–10), pp. 57–89; Benjamin Arbel, ‘Venice's maritime empire in the early modern period’, in Dursteler, ed., Companion to Venetian history, pp. 125–253, at p. 230.
121 Pinto, Angela, ‘Legature di epoca aragonese nella Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli’, Bulletin du bibliophile, 2 (2001), pp. 239–69Google Scholar, at pp. 241–3. See also the leather-covered boxes, the tooling of at least one of which is attributed to Clovis Eve, bookbinder at the court of France, included in Catalogue de reliures du XVe au XIXe siècle, en vente à la librairie Gumuchian & Cie. (Paris, 1929), pp. 64–6, nos. 129bis–130, pl. L.
122 On the Rialto market, see Fenlon, Ceremonial city, p. 236.
123 It is not always possible to know whether the indication refers to a home or workshop.
124 See Fernanda Ascarelli and Marco Menato, La tipografia del ’500 in Italia (Florence, 1989), pp. 327–445, for the locations of many printing shops. See also Bernstein, Print culture, pp. 12–13. On the focal areas of the city, see Filippo de Vivo, ‘I luoghi della cultura a Venezia nel primo Cinquecento (1509–1530)’, in Sergio Luzzatto and Gabriele Pedullà, eds., Atlante della letteratura italiana (Turin, 2010), I, pp. 708–18. For the locations of booksellers, see Carnelos, ‘Libri da grida’, pp. 152–68; Nuovo, Book trade, pp. 22, 327; Salzberg, Ephemeral city, p. 50.
125 See Vivo, Filippo de, ‘Walking in sixteenth-century Venice: mobilizing the early modern city’, I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 19 (2016), pp. 115–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 125. Pasini: Grendler, Roman inquisition, p. 20. Battista: ASV, Notarile, Atti, b. 378, fo. 554r–v (9 Sept. 1550).
126 For the Calle delle Acque, see Hobson, Renaissance book collecting, p. 106. Soresina: ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 1017, no. 228 (1543); ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 1203, no. 16 (Aug. 1549). Brugniera: ASV, Notarile, Testamenti, b. 1084, no. 55. Franco: CERL Thesaurus, cni00037050, https://data.cerl.org/thesaurus/cni00037050. Foresto: CERL Thesaurus, cni00020803, https://data.cerl.org/thesaurus/cni00020803. Bendolo: CERL Thesaurus, cni00020110, https://data.cerl.org/thesaurus/cni00020110. Bartole: ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, b. 3655/15, [1482], fo. 37r–v (= fo. 100r–v) (1482). On booksellers’ signs in Venice, see Giacomo Moro, ‘Insegne librarie e marche tipografiche in un registro veneziano del ’500’, Bibliofilía, 91 (1989), pp. 51–80.
127 Grendler, Roman inquisition, p. 16; Nuovo, Book trade, pp. 47–96.
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