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The World Council of Churches and Its Vancouver Theme: “Jesus Christ the Life of the World” in Historical Perspective*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 June 2011
Extract
In reference to triadological and christological inaccuracies of a nevertheless very important regional synod of Antioch of 268 that definitively condemned and dispossessed Antioch's bishop, Paul of Samosata, St. Athanasius wrote: “Yes, surely every council has a sufficient reason for its own language” (De synodis 45). The Father of triadological orthodoxy indeed changed some of his own technical language in the course of many synods during the fourth century. The creed called liturgically that of Nicaea (325)—which, since the scholarship of the Lutheran Pietist Johann Benedickt Carpzov, Sr., has been called the Niceno-Contstantinopolitan Creed—was ascribed to Constantinople in 381, as a clarification of that at Nicaea, by two readers purportedly reciting the acts of these two councils at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. What is remarkable about Athanasius—referring in the middle third of the fourth century to a synod in the last third of the third century—and about the Fathers of 451—referring back to two earlier ecumenical councils—is that they purported to be expounding an unchanging truth revealed in the Septuagint and the New Testament, once for all delivered (Jude 3), that had simply been made clearer by generations of liturgical practice and theological scrutiny, privately and in synod.
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References
1 This term was originally used by Rudolf Bultmann, who, despite his demythologizing the New Testament, sought in the Christusereignis as a present experience a replication of Martin Luther's fides ex auditu (Rom 10:17), appealing also to John 5:24f. How, partly under the influence of Gerhardt Ebeling, the term Christ Event came to be used by church historians also for the past, the complex of the life and death of Jesus and the interpretation thereof as Christology and soteriology, I have touched upon in “Christianity,” Religion, Whaling, Frank, ed. (Edinburgh: Clark, 1983).Google Scholar
2 Scherer, Jean, ed., Sources Chrétiennes 67 (1960)Google Scholar; English and German translations also available. With respect to the theme of Part I, my topic has been dealt with in [Lukas Vischer], Councils and the Ecumenical Movement, WCC Studies 5 (1968); [Werner Küppers], Councils, Conciliarity, and Genuinely Universal Council, Faith and Order Paper, No. 70.Google Scholar
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His stand, as a Lutheran, should be assessed in historical context. At the founding of the WCC in 1948, Lutherans in general and from the U.S. in particular, notably those bodies grouped around the United Lutheran Church in America (destined in 1962 with others to form the Lutheran Church in America), as five charter member denominations, insisted that the emergent WCC represent church bodies (not agencies or councils) with due consideration of both confession and geography and that it merely “receive” rather than “adapt” reports lest it be gradually transformed into an ecumenical superchurch. See Flesner, Dorris A., American Lutherans Help Shape World Council (St. Louis: Lutheran Historical Conference, 1981).Google Scholar
17 This work is continuous with the previous survey of Orthodoxy in the WCC, noted above, n. 6.
18 Loc. cit., 71.
19 Besides the two modern studies mentioned above (n. 2), there are What Kind of Unity? (Faith and Order Paper 69; Geneva: WCC, 1974)Google Scholar and Song, Choan-Seng, Growing Together into Unity (Texts of the Faith and Order Commission on Conciliar Fellowship; Madras: Diocesan Press of the Church of South India; Geneva: WCC, 1978).Google Scholar The place of publication of the latter is itself symptomatic of the special sense of urgency for organic unity in parts of the world where Christianity is a minority religion and where the technical language of the schisms of 431, 451, 1054, and 1517 seems remote. In the last signed article of the second work cited above, Lukas Vischer writes of the “Origin and Meaning of the Concept ‘Conciliar Fellowship,’” 182–94. Although Vischer seems to have originated the term, the best history and pre-history of the concept is that of Nelson, J. Robert (“Conciliarity/Conciliar Fellowship,” Mid-Stream 17 [1978] 97–116), who at the time of composition thought the concept might be “a deliberate inhibition of the full, visible union.” He is the only one to have wrestled with whether in positive conciliarity denominations disappear.Google Scholar
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21 The Uppsala Report 1968, Goodall, Norman, ed. (Geneva: WCC, 1968) 7–20, esp. 15; and 222–28, esp. 223.Google Scholar
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23 The Salamanca formulations are accessible in Unity, 119–30, esp. 121.
24 Breaking Barriers: Nairobi 1975: The Official Report of the Fifth Assembly, Paton, David M., ed. (London: SPCK; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976) 60.Google Scholar
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27 The Uppsala Report, pp. 13 n. 27, 17 n. 20.
28 Growing Together, vi. The beginnings of the Church of South India antedate the independence of India after World War II.
29 The Consultation was proposed in a sermon by Eugene Carson Blake in 1960 in Grace Cathedral in San Francisco during the episcopate of James Pike, and the Blake-Pike proposal became the Consultation in Washington, D.C. in 1962. The Midpoint was thus in reference to the expected consummation of Union by 1982.
30 Nelson's original work was published in Leiden (Brill, 1971); the co-edited German version in Frankfurt (Lembeck, 1973).
31 On convergence, see Mühlen, Heribert, “Konvergenz als Strukturprinzip eines Kommenden universalen Konzils aller Christen,” Ökumenische Rundschau 3 (1972) 289–315. See further, Küppers, Councils, 21 n. 18. For a succinct assessment of Ecclesiam suam in context, see Lukas Vischer, “Catholic Church,” Ecumenical Advance, 337. For my succinct remarks about John Paul II, see my writings on him cited in nn. 1 and 14.Google Scholar
32 I have not included here the Anglican Branch Theory of the church, as it no longer enters into ecumenical discussion. Although it has a seventeenth-century origin, the term developed in the Oxford Movement and found its fullest expression in William Palmer (above near p. 12), Treatise of the Church of Christ (1838). Though an organic model, it grew from the soil of a continent destined to be utterly ravaged a century later. In holding open the Reformed and the newer “Lutheran” proposal model of unity as alternative to conciliar fellowship leading to organic union, I simply take note of a mood described by Lukas Vischer in 1979: “It is as if, after years of strenuous endeavour on behalf of the common witness of Christians, a certain fatigue had set in. The more immediate circle of unity is preferred to the wider fellowship.” Quoted by Howell, Faith, 60. Moreover, as a church historian I have observed that in the ecclesiastical mathematics of merger 1 plus 1 often equals not 2 but 4.Google Scholar
33 An early volunteer was Poulton, John, The Feast of Life: A Theological Reflection on the Theme—Jesus Christ: the Life of the World (Geneva: WCC, 1982).Google ScholarNelson, J. Robert anticipated the Vancouver theme in “Ecumenism in Quest for Life,” JES 13 (1976) 162–69.Google ScholarFiorenza, Francis Schüssler in “Christology after Vatican II,” The Ecumenist 17:6 (1980) 81–89Google Scholar, while not directing his remarks toward the, at the time, unknown Vancouver theme, makes a valuable contribution to the understanding of the Christocentrism of Catholic theological work that has its influence on the Vancover theme. Raiser, Konrad in “Jesus Christ—the Life of the World: A Meditation,” Ecumenical Review 23 (1981) 232–44Google Scholar, traces the way in which the master themes have functioned, which he would like to think of as “a continuous exegesis of the Basis enlarged in 1961, of the WCC as a fellowship of churches” (p. 233), but observed that there has been, in fact, little interconnection or cross-reference. Samartha, Stanley in “Unwrapping the Gift of Life: Some Reflections on the Vancouver Assembly,” Ecumenical Review 33 (1982) 104–16Google Scholar, writing from an Indian perspective, spoke of death as the great equalizer and then with a glance at religions other than Christianity: “On the river of life there are many boats seeking to cross over to the other side.” Ans van der Bent supplied in the same issue a valuable “Documentary Survey of the Sixth Assembly Theme,” Ibid. 117–27.
34 Chalcedon, 121–26, esp. 123; see my own “Georges Vasilievich Florovsky: His American Career (1948–1965)” GOTR 11 (1965) 7–107Google Scholar, supplemented by the Faculty Minute, Harvard Gazette (1 October 1982) 5, 11.Google Scholar
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36 Uppsala Report, 224, 223; cf. 11–18.
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38 Concilium 118 (8/1978): Ecumenism (New York: Seabury/Crossroad, 1979).Google ScholarPubMed
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40 Jesus: An Experiment in Christology (Jezus: het verhaal van een Levende, 1975; New York: Seabury, 1979)Google Scholar; Christ: The Experience of Jesus as Lord (New York: Seabury, 1980)Google Scholar; Ministry: Leadership in the Community of Jesus Christ (New York: Crossroad, 1981).Google Scholar John Nienhuis in his review of the christological achievement of Schillebeeckx to date, entitles it “The Ecumenical Christ,” JES 17 (1980) 125ff.Google Scholar
41 Brown, Raymond Edward, The Community of the Beloved Disciple (New York: Paulist, 1979)Google Scholar and The Epistles of John with Commentary (New York: Doubleday, 1982).Google Scholar
42 Ellen Flesseman-Van Leer, pastor and scholar of the Netherlands Reformed Church, in a paper read in Odessa, October 1981, wrote incisively, in the form of several theses, what I have set forth for the New Testament Epoch and the Patristic Age. In Thesis 5 she says that the New Testament assigns to Jesus Christ three functions: mediatorship of creation, revelation of God, and the salvation of humankind. In Theses 1 and 2 she deals with Jesus Christ as Kurios, but she does not refer directly to “the subversive fulfilment” (Josiah Royce) of the prophecy of righteous kingship (the messianic rule). For her paper, see Visible Unity, 2. 101–12. She is further helpful in saying that Jewish theology was “relational” rather than “ontological.” Pannenberg, Wolfhart (Grundzüge der Christologie [Gutersloh: Mohr, 1964] 121–23) limits the mediatorial role to the cosmological and soteriological function.Google Scholar
43 Lohse, Edward, Die Briefe an die Kolosser und an Philemon (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968)Google Scholar; Wengst, Klaus, Christologische Formeln und Lieder des Urchristentums (Bonn: Universität Bonn, 1967)Google Scholar esp. 173. Percy, Ernst (Die Probleme der Kolosser—und Epheserbriefe [Lund: Gleerup, 1946] 68)Google Scholar asserted that no other Pauline passage had “such a high Christology” and it has been a major factor in sanctioning the cosmic Christology important in the the twentieth century. For the modern history of the treatment of the Colossian hymn modified by the author of Colossians, see Hans-Jakob Gabathuler, Jesus Christus, Haupt der Kirche—Haupt der Welt: Der Christushymnus Colosser 1:15–20 in der theologischen Forschung der lelzen 130 Jahre (Abhundlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments 45; Zurich: 1965). In a most recent study, “Christological tendenz in Colossians 1:15–20: A Theologia Crucis” (Christological Perspectives: Essays in Honor of Harvey K. MacArthur, Berkey, Robert F. and Edwards, Sarah A., eds. [New York: Pilgrim, 1982] 123–38)Google Scholar, Wayne G. Rollins is disposed to return to insights of Lohse, arguing that “this cosmological train of thought [is by Paul, as presumptive author, given] a new direction by designating the church as a place where in the present Christ exercises rule over the cosmos,” and Rollins adds: “the theologia crucis in Colossians remains the controlling christological motif.”
However exalted the cosmological texts in the New Testament may be and also in the pre-Nicene theologians and synodal decisions, there was a subordinationist motif with respect to the Hypostasis embodied in Jesus Christ; and this motif has for some acquired the term in German of Engelcristologie (the pre-existent Christ, for example, present at the oaks of Mamre with Abram and Sara); see Werner, Martin, Die Entstehung des christlichen Dogmas problemgeschichtlich dargestellt (Bern/Leipzig: Haupt, 1941)Google Scholar and Kretschmar, George, Studien zur frühchristlichen Trinitäatstheologie (Tübingen: Mohr, 1956) 64–124.Google Scholar
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48 It was in The Letter of the Six Bishops, article 9 (Bardy, Paul, 18), that the cosmological passages cited earlier from Scripture, beginning with Lam 4:20, are adduced to make Christ preexistent within the Godhead in opposition to Bishop Paul.
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50 Gregg, Robert C. and Groh, Dennis E., “The Centrality of Soteriology in Early Arianism,” ATS 59 (1977) 260–78Google Scholar, in which they largely absorbed their jointly authored Early Arianism: A View of Salvation (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981).Google Scholar
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53 Orationes contra Arianos 2 (the Logos Pantokrator), PG 26. 329B; Epistola de decretis Nicaenae Synodi 30 (Logos, Sophia, Huios: Pantokrator), PG 25. 472B; Epistola II ad Serapionem, 2 (the Son: Pantokrator), PG 26. 609C; Epistola de synodis Arimini et Seluciae celebratis 49 PG 26 780C. It is here, in quoting I Cor 8:6 where Paul speaks of Christ “through whom are all things,” that Athanasius came close to saying lesous Christos Pantokrator.
54 PG 7. 1039.
55 PL 172. 956. For illustrations, see Martin, Stanley Werner, The ‘Majestas Domini’ and the Eastern Penetration of Hiberno-Saxon Art: Study of Iconographic Sources (New York: New York University, 1967).Google Scholar
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58 Letter to the archbishop of Ravenna, 1198; PL 214. 21. The monopolization of the judgment of the spiritual man comes from 1 Cor 2:15 by way of the Dicatus Papae, item 19.
59 Lubac, Henri de in Corpus mysticum: L'eucharistie et l'Eglise an moyen âge (2d ed.; Paris: Aubier, 1949)Google Scholar showed how in the course of the eucharistic controversy, climaxing in the IV Lateran definition, earlier references to the eucharistic body as corpus mysticum became unacceptable and by virtue of the dogma of transubstantiation it became known as corpus Christi with the consequence that the medieval term corpus Christi mysticum was released to serve as a term for the church and Christendom. Ernst Kantorowicz took over this observation important for his study of medieval political theology, The King's Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton University, 1957).Google Scholar See also on sacral kingship his earlier Laudes regiae (Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California,, 1946).Google Scholar The defiant Norman archbishop of Rouen, possibly Archbishop Bona Anima, had actually used unctus and christus of the English king and Norman duke. See my Norman Anonymous of ca. 1100 (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1951)Google Scholar; Koch, Gottfried, Auf dem Wege zum Sacrum Imperium (Vienna: Bhlaus, 1972).Google Scholar
60 The use of the unconsecrated wafer seems to be distinctively Polish. I show the background of the custom in The Mind of John Paul II, 42, 48.
61 The principal theorist was Alexander von Roes. I mention him and discuss the transfer of the university theme connected with the triplex munus Christi in my “Translatio studii: The Puritans' Conception of Their First University in New England, 1636,” Festschrift für Heinrich Bornkamm, ARC 66 (1966) 152–81.Google Scholar For a recent comprehensive account, see Schick, Ludwig, Das Dreifche Amt Christi und der Kirche (Frankfurt/Bern: Europäische Hochschulschriften, 1982).Google Scholar
62 Luther's Three Symbols is printed in the Werke (Weimar Ausgabe) 50. 262–83. A recent study of Luther, rehearsing his views on the Trinity from 1520 to 1546, is that of Jansen, Reiner, Studien zu Luthers Trinitätslehre (Bern/Frankfurt: Europäische Hochschulschriften, 1976).Google Scholar For a less conventional interpretation, see Loeschen, John R., The Divine Community: Trinity, Church, and Ethics (Kirksville, MO: Northeast Missouri State University, 1981)Google Scholar, which brings together Luther, Menno Simons (who had only a vestigial doctrine thereof), and Calvin. For the problem of the Mediator in Calvin, Pannenberg notes the novum (Christologie, 122). I have not fully developed or documented the Christology of Calvin here directly, having done that in some detail in “Strains in the Christology of the Emerging Polish Brethren,” The Polish Renaissance in its European Context, Fiszman, Samuel, ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1983).Google Scholar
63 The authority here is Willis, E. David, Calvin's Catholic Christology: The Function of the So-called Extra Calvinisticum in Calvin's Theology (Leiden: Brill, 1966) with ample sections on Christ the Mediator and the triplex munus Christi. Willis represented the Reformed position in an impressive way in Kung & Moltmann, An Ecumenical Confession, in an answer wherein he seems to have found a place even for the papal magisterium.Google Scholar
64 Cf. the work of another Lutheran, Jaroslav Pelikan, who took the New Delhi theme as his own for the Gray, James A. Lectures at Duke University in 1960, The Light of the World: A Basic Image in Early Christian Thought (New York: Harper, 1962).Google Scholar
65 New York: Harper, 1941.
66 Neu Delhi, Dokumente, Lüpsen, Focko, ed. (Witten: Luther-Verlag, 1962) 3–11.Google Scholar The counterpart English Report (Hooft, W. A. Visser 't, ed. [London/New York: Association Press, 1962])Google Scholar does not give Sittler's address, since it had already been published in Ecumenical Review 14:2 (January 1962).Google Scholar
67 Cf. above, n. 35.
68 Uppsala Report, 293–303.
69 Among the many preparatory papers, we have noted several: nn. 9, 13, 16, 17, 19, 33, 38, 39, 42, 70.
70 These appear in Ecumenical Review 34 (1982) 290–95Google Scholar; 285–94; and 391–411. The Orthodox Statement is printed also in the larger Jesus Christ the Life of the World: An Orthodox Contribution to the Vancouver Theme, Bria, Ion, ed. (Geneva: WCC, 1982) 1–14.Google Scholar
71 Cited were Basil the Great Refutation of Eunomius's Apology 2.18; Athanasius Contra Arianos 3.12–4; Gregory of Nyssa Contra Eunomium 11.3.
72 Adversus haereses 2.22.6; based on John 7:56–57.
73 Adversus haereses 3.18.1; 4.34.1.
74 Pannenberg deals with the problem of christologically anchored freedom in Christologie, 302–11.
75 This is the title of Lutheran Jaroslav Pelikan's Thomas Jefferson Lecture for 1983, National Endowment for the Humanities, Washington, D.C.
76 Lifton, Robert Jay, “Medicalized Killing in Auschwitz,” Psychiatry 45 (November 1982) 283–97.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
77 The phrase has a Revolutionary origin, to be sure; the state is New Hampshire.