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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 August 2022
Paul’s Jewishness has often acted as a pivot in scholarship about the relationship between Christianity and Judaism, especially in recent conversation about the date and duration of the so-called “Parting of the Ways.” Too little attention has been paid, however, to who represented Paul as Jewish (or not) and why. I examine the late antique reception of Paul’s ethnic identity in Epiphanius of Cyprus, heresiologist, bishop, and someone for whom representation of Jewishness often served as a foil for the manufacture of orthodoxy. I argue that for Epiphanius, when Paul’s ethnic identity is relevant at all, the focus falls on an Israelite, Benjaminite Paul. Paul’s Jewishness becomes peripheral. Building on this observation, I suggest that we must understand even the reification of Jewishness familiar to current scholarship as only one of the late antique Christian behaviors that governed identification as Israelite.
1 Paula Fredriksen, Paul: The Pagans’ Apostle (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017); also eadem, When Christians Were Jews: The First Generation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018). For an alternative reading, locating a hybrid “Gentile-Jew” between Jews and Gentiles, see Joshua Garroway, Paul’s Gentile-Jews: Neither Jew nor Gentile but Both (London: Palgrave, 2012).
2 Here, ethnicity denotes both genealogical claims about Paul’s ancestry and cultural claims about the sort of things that people who share that ancestry do. Ethnicity has seen concerted theorization in both New Testament studies and the study of early Christianity. For helpful insights, see David Hockey’s introduction to Ethnicity, Race, Religion: Identities and Ideologies in Early Jewish and Christian Texts and in Modern Biblical Interpretation (ed. Katherine M. Hockey and David G. Horrell; London: Bloomsbury, 2018), esp. 2–7, and Denise Kimber Buell, “Challenges and Strategies for Speaking about Ethnicity in the New Testament and New Testament Studies,” Svensk Exegetisk Årsbok 79 (2014) 33–53.
3 E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism (London: T&T Clark, 1977); for an overview of the reclamation from Jules Isaac to Rosemary Ruether, see John Gager, The Origins of Anti-Semitism: Attitudes toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), esp. 11–34. Sanders’s work set an alternative model for the field: rather than analyze the New Testament in parallel with Jewish texts, what would happen if we understood Paul, and the New Testament, as part of Judaism in Roman Palestine? See also reflections on Sanders’s 1977 volume in a special issue of the Journal of the Jesus Movement in Its Jewish Setting (JJMJS 5 [2018]: http://www.jjmjs.org/issues.html).
4 Although, as Anders Runesson has noted, the concepts and categories at work in New Testament studies (such as particularism/universalism) still reflect much of the anti-Jewish sentiment of the nineteenth century: “Particularistic Judaism and Universalistic Christianity? Some Critical Remarks on Terminology and Theology,” JGRChJ 1 (2000): 120–44. See also A. J. Levine, The Misunderstood Jew: The Church and the Scandal of the Jewish Jesus (San Francisco: Harper SanFrancisco, 2006); and Jesus, Judaism, and Christian Anti-Judaism: Reading the New Testament After the Holocaust (ed. Adele Reinhartz and Paula Fredriksen; Grand Rapids: Westminster John Knox, 2002).
5 John Gager, The Jewish Lives of the Apostle Paul (American Lectures on the History of Religions 18; New York: Columbia University Press, 2015).
6 Paula Fredriksen, Paul: The Pagans’ Apostle (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017); also eadem, When Christians Were Jews: The First Generation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018). For an alternative reading, locating a hybrid “Gentile-Jew” between Jews and Gentiles, see Joshua Garroway, Paul’s Gentile-Jews: Neither Jew nor Gentile but Both (London: Palgrave, 2012).
7 Fredriksen, Pagan’s Apostle, xii.
8 Michael Wyschogrod, The Body of Faith: God in the People Israel (New York: Seabury, 1983); idem, Abraham’s Promise: Judaism and Jewish-Christian Relations (Radical Traditions; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004); and see translations of key essays by Jacob Taubes, From Cult to Culture: Fragments Toward a Critique of Historical Reason (ed. Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert and Amir Engel; Cultural Memory in the Present; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010 [Ger. ed. Wilhelm Fink, 1996]). An equally vibrant literature, it should be noted, attacks Paul as a sectarian; in line with Dutch radical criticism, see Kaufman Kohler, “Saul of Tarsus,” in The Jewish Encyclopedia (ed. Isidore Singer et al.; 12 vols.; New York: Funk & Wagnalls) 11:79; for Kohler’s fit into the landscape of American Reform Judaism, see two articles by Yaakov Ariel: “Christianity through Reform Eyes: Kaufman Kohler’s scholarship on Christianity,” American Jewish History 89 (2001) 181–91; and idem “A German Rabbi and Scholar in America: Kaufmann Kohler’s Scholarship on Christianity,” European Judaism: A Journal for the New Europe 45 (2012) 59–77.
9 Daniel Boyarin, A Radical Jew: Paul and the Politics of Identity (Contraversions 1; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994) 2.
10 As also the Jewishness of Jesus, Paul’s Jewishness often serves as instrumental; see William Arnal, The Symbolic Jesus: Historical Scholarship, Judaism, and the Construction of Identity (Religion in Culture; London: Equinox, 2005).
11 Cynthia Baker, Jew (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2017): “There is a striking paucity of Jew as a designation from the second century CE to the cusp of the modern era” (3).
12 Shaye J. D. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (HCS 31; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999) 69–70.
13 Ibid., 141–340 (chs. 5–10, the majority of the book).
14 Scholars generally assume that it would be inappropriate to translate “Judahite,” a term common to the study of the state of Israel; on the complexities and shifts within recent scholarship, see Andrew Tobolowsky, “Israelite and Judahite History in Contemporary Theoretical Approaches,” CurBR 17 (2018) 33–58.
15 For an overview, see Reinhard Pummer, The Samaritans: A Profile (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2016).
16 Jennifer Eyl, “ ‘I Myself Am an Israelite’: Paul, Authenticity and Authority,” JSNT 40 (2017) 148–68. This approach leans on insights shaped by sociological constructivism (popularized by Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference [ed. Frederick Barth; Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1969]) and its cognitive forms, i.e., how ethnicity claims organize what people think and do, and how they conceive of their behaviors. On the latter, see Rogers Brubaker, Mara Loveman, and Peter Stamatov, “Ethnicity as Cognition,” Theory and Society 33 (2004) 31–64. A particularly robust base from which to enter contemporary discussion is Andreas Wimmer, Ethnic Boundary Making: Institutions, Power, Networks (Oxford Studies in Culture and Politics; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
17 Aaron P. Johnson, Argument and Ethnicity in Eusebius’ Praeparatio Evangelica (OECS; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). On alternatives to binaries and boundaries, see Andrew S. Jacobs, Christ Circumcised: A Study in Early Christian History and Difference (Divinations: Rereading Late Ancient Religion; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012).
18 Two recent biographically inflected works on Epiphanius have kickstarted a minor renaissance in discussion of the bishop and controversialist: Young Richard Kim, Epiphanius of Cyprus: Imagining an Orthodox World (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015), and Andrew S. Jacobs, Epiphanius of Cyprus: A Cultural Biography of Late Antiquity (Christianity in Late Antiquity 2; Oakland: University of California Press, 2016).
19 For these years of Epiphanius’s life, see Jon F. Dechow, Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christianity: Epiphanius of Cyprus and the Legacy of Origen (Patristic Monograph Series 13; Macon: Mercer University Press, 1988) 25–43.
20 For a brief overview of what we know of his life as a whole, see Jacobs, Epiphanius, 8–12.
21 See, in particular, two articles by Claudia Rapp: “Frühbyzantinische Dichtung und Hagiographie am Beispiel der Vita des Epiphanius von Zypern,” Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici 27 (1990) 3–31; and “Epiphanius of Salamis: The Church Father as Saint,” in The Sweet Land of Cyprus: Papers Given at the Twenty-Fifth Jubilee Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Birmingham, March 1991 (ed. Anthony Bryer and Goerge S. Georghallides; Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 1993) 169–87.
22 Greek edition by Holl, now emended and reissued in Epiphanius I: Ancoratus and Panarion haer. 1–33 (ed. Karl Holl, Marc Bergermann, and Christian-Friedrich Collatz; GCS n.F. 10/1; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013); Epiphanius II: Panarion haer. 34–64 (ed. Karl Holl and Jürgen Dummer; GCS 31; Berlin: Akademie, 1980); Epiphanius III: Panarion haer. 65–80; De Fide (ed. Karl Holl and Jürgen Dummer; GCS 37; Berlin: Akademie, 1985). Full English translation, to which I have referred as relevant, by Frank Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis (2 vols.; Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies; Leiden: Brill, 2009, 2013). Text and translation of On Gems in Robert P. Blake (with Coptic by Henri de Vis), Epiphanius: De Gemmis. The Old Georgian Version and the Fragments of the Armenian Version (Wetteren: Imprimerie de Meester, 1934). I use the translation of Blake and De Vis from the most complete exemplar—the Georgian. Where relevant, however, I have referred to terminological comparanda from the Latin, Coptic, or Greek texts. A recent edition of the Armenian fragments, with German translation, lacks the relevant sections in its base manuscript: Felix Albrecht and Arthur Manukyan, Epiphanius von Salamis: Über die Zwölf Steine im Hohepriesterlichen Brustschild (De Duodecim Gemmis Rationalis) nach dem Codex Vaticanus Borgianus Armenus 31 herausgegeben und übersetzt (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2014). Felix Albrecht is presently at work on a critical edition of the Greek fragments.
23 The Panarion was begun in 374/5 (Proem II 2.3), the 11th year of Valentinian and Valens; the request from Acacius and Paul prefacing the work claims to have been sent in the 12th year of the reign of those emperors (376 CE). Dechow suggests Pan. 48–66 was written the same year (based on Pan. 48.2.7 and 66.20.5; Dogma, 66), and Pan. 64 confirms a date in the latter half of 376 CE (Dechow, Dogma, 80–82).
24 For the latter, I note that I have cited from the most complete translation into English, from the Georgian.
25 Jacobs, Christ Circumcised, 100–118.
26 Ibid., 72–75: in this way, according to Jacobs, illuminated by Julia Kristeva’s insights on the abject and its affect, in Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection (trans. Leon S. Roudiez; New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), Christian orthodoxy functions like Roman imperialism; also Todd S. Berzon, “The Double Bind of Christianity’s Judaism: Language, Law, and the Incoherence of Late Antique Discourse,” JECS 23 (2015) 445–80.
27 Pan. 1.30.3.7 (Holl 1.338.1–3); see Andrew S. Jacobs, “Matters (Un-)Becoming: Conversions in Epiphanius of Salamis,” CH 81 (2012) 27–47.
28 Pan. 1.30.3.8 (Holl 1.338.5–6).
29 Pan. I.30.3.9 (Holl 1.338.12).
30 Pan. 1.30.3.8 (Holl 1.338.8).
31 For the story, and an attempt to place it in historical context, see T. C. G. Thornton, “The Stories of Joseph of Tiberias,” VC 44 (1990) 54–63. See also Stephen Goranson, “Joseph of Tiberias Revisited: Orthodoxies and Heresies in Fourth-Century Galilee,” in Galilee through the Centuries: A Confluence of Cultures (Duke Judaic Studies 1; ed. Eric M. Meyers; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999) 335–43. Goranson’s doctoral dissertation on the same topic is available online: http://people.duke.edu/∼goranson/Joseph_of_Tiberias.pdf. For the broad context of Epiphanius in Scythopolis, see Daniel A. Washburn, “Tormenting the Tormentors: A Reinterpretation of Eusebius of Vercelli’s Letter from Scythopolis,” CH 78 (2009) 731–55.
32 There is, at present, no historical confirmation of this appointment, despite our relatively robust evidence for officials in late antiquity. On the role of the comites in general, and Constantine’s reform of the office, see Ralf Scharf, Comites und comitiva prima ordinis (Mainz: Steiner, 1994); and Dirk Schlinkert, “Dem Kaiser folgen. Kaiser, Senatsadel und höfische Funktionselite (comites consistoriani) von der ‘Tetrarchie’ Diokletians bis zum Ende der konstantinischen Dynastie,” in Comitatus: Beiträge zur Erforschug des spätantike Kaiserhofes (ed. A. Winterling; Berlin: Akademie, 1998) 133–59.
33 Pan. 1.30.4.1–4 (Holl 1.338.13–339.4). As Thornton points out, this succession seems to reflect the succession of Hillel II, following Judah III (“Stories of Joseph,” 58). Epiphanius’s memory, which he admits is muddled, switches the two.
34 I retain Epiphanius’s spelling, Ellel, out of curiosity. Samaritan pronunciation, as Abraham Tal points out, silences the voiceless pharyngeal fricative [h] when word-initial: see his Samaritan Aramaic (Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2013) 27. I wonder if Epiphanius preserves evidence here of 4th-cent. spoken Palestinian Aramaic.
35 Pan. 1.30.6.7–9 (Holl 1.341.18–29).
36 Pan 1.30.7.1–8.10 (Holl 1.341.30–344.8).
37 Pan. 1.30.8.10 (Holl 1.344.6–7). On terminology of magic, as well as rabbinic and Christian interactions with the fraught marketplace of spiritually efficacious techniques, a good starting point is Kimberly B. Stratton, Naming the Witch: Magic, Ideology, and Stereotype in the Ancient World (Gender, Theory, and Religion; New York: Columbia University Press, 2007).
38 Pan. 1.30.9.1–3 (Holl 1.344.15–21). Epiphanius says that someone else, a crypto-Christian out of fear, while traveling, also told him of this type of deathbed witness: elders of the Jews telling Jews they expected to die that Christ’s judgment waited for them. The creedal saying spoken by the elder resembles a shortened Nicene Creed: πίστευε <εἰς> Ἰησοῦν, τὸν ἐσταυρωμένον ἐπὶ Ποντίου Πιλάτου ἡγεμόνος, υἱὸν θεοῦ προόντα καὶ ἐκ Μαρίας ὕστερον γεγεννημένον, Χριστὸν δὲ ὄντα θεοῦ καὶ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντα, καὶ ὅτι αὐτὸς ἔρχεται κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς (Pan. 1.30.9.4–6 [Holl 1.344.18–21]).
39 Pan. 1.30.10.1–8 (Holl 1.345.13–31).
40 Pan. 1.30.11.1–3 (Holl 1.346.11–12). That Tarsus, Paul’s birthplace according to Acts 9:11, was the provincial capital of Cilicia may be a coincidence. It is also possible that the proximity of Tarsus, Cilicia, and Cyprus associated with the biblical “kittim” (see below, n. 84) in Josephus, Ant. 1.6.1, may be exerting some influence on the geography of this narrative section, aided by Epiphanius’s own Cyprus-inflected predilections.
41 Pan. 1.30.11.5–6 (Holl 1.346.20–27).
42 Pan. 1.30.11.4–6 (Holl 1.346.27–28).
43 Pan. 1.30.11.7–12.1 (Holl 1.347.1–17).
44 Pan. 1.30.12.2–12.7 (Holl 1.348.16–20). This is the second such invocation in Josephus’s story arc; the full Greek text is as follows: ἐν ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου, οὗ ἐσταύρωσαν οἱ πατέρες μου καὶ τούτων πάντων τῶν περιεστώτων, γένηται δύναμις ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ὕδατι εἰς ἀθέτησιν πάσης φαρμακείας καὶ μαγείας ἧς οὗτοι ἔπραξαν καὶ εἰς ἐνέργειαν δυνάμεως τῷ πυρὶ εἰς τὸ ἐπιτελεσθῆναι τὸν οἶκον κυρίου.
45 Pan. 1.30.12.8 (Holl 1.348.23). On the use of the εἷς θεός in late antique Palestine, see Leah Di Segni, “εἷς θεός in Palestinian Inscriptions,” Scripta Classica Israelica 13 (1994): 94–115; also eadem, “The Samaritans in Roman-Byzantine Palestine: Some Misapprehensions,” in Religious and Ethnic Communities in Later Roman Palestine (Studies and Texts in Jewish History and Culture 5; ed. Hayim Lapin; Bethesda: University Press of Maryland, 1998) 55. Di Segni notes that, quite apart from being specifically Jewish, this formula appears in pagan inscriptions (including acclamations of Julian and of Sarapis and Kore in Samaria) and in Samaritan holy places (including the Gerizim temenos). This passage provides a literary test case. Does Epiphanius’s use of the phrase in a narrative context (of dramatized acclamation) provide any further insights into its appearances elsewhere?
46 On the importance of locale and local Christianity, see David Frankfurter, Christianizing Egypt: Syncretism and Local Worlds in Late Antiquity (Martin Classical Lectures, New Series; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017); Jennifer Barry, “Damning Nicomedia: The Spatial Consequences of Exile,” Studies in Late Antiquity 3 (2019) 413–35; and more broadly, eadem, Bishops in Flight: Exile and Displacement in Late Antiquity (Joan Palevsky Imprint in Classical Literature; Oakland: University of California Press, 2019).
47 Jacobs, “Matters (Un-)Becoming,” 43, notices the “stuttering nature” of this shift.
48 Ibid., 44.
49 Michael L. Satlow, “Paul’s Scriptures,” in Strength to Strength: Essays in Appreciation of Shaye J. D. Cohen (BJS 363; ed. Michael L. Satlow; Providence, RI: Brown University, 2018) 257–74. On Augustine in Ep. 40, see Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New York: Doubleday, 2008) 235–40.
50 Sometimes, these honorifics stack, as in Pan. 1.188.15: ὁ πνευματοφόρος καὶ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ ἀπόστολος Παῦλος.
51 Pan. 1.1.1.9.
52 See, recently, Andrew Tobolowsky, The Sons of Jacob and the Sons of Herakles: The History of the Tribal System and the Organization of Biblical Identity (FAT 2/96; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2017).
53 Jacobs, “Matters (Un-)Becoming,” 44–46.
54 Ibid., 44.
55 Blake, Epiphanius, 164.12–14.
56 Ibid., 164.30–32.
57 Ibid., 164.32–165.4.
58 Ibid., 165.5–14. Note: this section is suspiciously repetitious, which may reflect scribal issues in the Georgian (or its probable Armenian exemplar).
59 Ibid., 165.27–35.
60 Jeremy Schott, “Heresiology as Universal History in Epiphanius’ Panarion,” ZAC 10 (2007) 546–63. See also Andrew S. Jacobs, Remains of the Jews: The Holy Land and Christian Empire in Late Antiquity (Divinations; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), esp. 44–52: heresy encompasses all of history and geography, back to Adam.
61 Blake, Epiphanius, 166.8–19.
62 Ibid., 167.1.
63 Ibid., 167.9–169.9.
64 Ps 68 (MT), and thus in most English Bibles.
65 On this interaction and its historical context, see Elizabeth Clark, The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014 [1992]), as well as Jon F. Dechow, “From Methodius to Epiphanius in Anti-Origenist Polemic,” Adamantius 19 (2013) 10–29.
66 Migne, PG 12.1573–74.
67 Margaret Mitchell, Paul, the Corinthians, and the Birth of Christian Hermeneutics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) 4.
68 Blake, Epiphanius, 166.20–24.
69 Ibid., 159.22–23.
70 Ibid., 159.31–160.3.
71 See also Johnson, Ethnicity and Argument, 230–31.
72 Blake, Epiphanius, 140.1–141.19.
73 Kathy Ehrensperger, “Narratives of Belonging: The Role of Paul’s Genealogical Reasoning,” Early Christianity 8 (2017) 373–92, at 389.
74 Blake, Epiphanius, 170.31–171.11.
75 Ibid., 166.32–167.1.
76 Eyl, “I Myself Am an Israelite,” 163. It could be counterargued that the references in Galatians are rather pointed. Paul’s claim to be “in ioudaismos” (Gal 1:13) and his self-affiliation with the plural Ioudaioi (Gal 2:15) in their avoidance of straightforward self-identification as Ioudaios seem more generally to support a nuancing of Eyl’s argument: while Paul generally avoids self-identification as a Ioudaios, when he affiliates with ioudaismos or with the Ioudaioi, he does so as strategically as when he claims to be an Israelite.
77 Paula Fredriksen, “Paul on the Destiny of Israel,” in The Writings of St. Paul: A Norton Critical Edition (2nd ed.; ed. Wayne E. Meeks and John T. Fitzgerald; New York: Norton, 2007 [1972]) 485–90, at 485.
78 Pan. 1.30.16.8–9 (Holl 1.355.3–14).
79 Pan. 1.30.17.1 (Holl 1.355.15).
80 My thanks to the anonymous reviewer who suggested this reading.
81 Pan. 1.30.25.1–14 (Holl 1.366.7–368.7).
82 Pan. 1.30.25.4–5 (Holl 1.366.9–25).
83 Pan. 1.30.25.6–9 (Holl 1.366.26-367–19).
84 Rahlfs’s Greek text of 1 Maccabees reads: ὃς ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ γῆς Χεττιιμ. For Epiphanius, Κίτιοι γὰρ Κύπριοι καὶ Ῥόδιοι, is an association first made by Josephus who identifies Kittim with the city of Kition on Cyprus (Ant. 1.6.1). Scriptural geography perhaps concurs; see esp. Isa 23:1 and 23:12, in which Kittim appears between Tarshish, Tyre, and Sidon.
85 On the effects of diaspora feeling, see Maia Kotrosits, Rethinking Early Christian Identity: Affect, Violence, and Belonging (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2014).
86 Pan. 1.30.25.10–14 (Holl 1.367.20–368.5).
87 To paraphrase Margaret Mitchell, a “Paul within Judaism” is most effectively understood when understood as a variable “Paul”; see her “Paul and Judaism Now, Quo vadimus?” Journal of the Jesus Movement in Its Jewish Setting 5 (2018) 55–78.
88 For such a position, and its corresponding importance for a Christian supersession of Judaism explicitly systematized as religious, see Daniel Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). On the conceptual issues raised by a persistent search for a time at which Judaism and Christianity separated, see Annette Yoshiko Reed, Jewish-Christianity and the History of Judaism (TSAJ 171; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018), esp. 422–34.
89 Paula Fredricksen links Augustine, the Middle Ages (especially the Crusades), and the Holocaust; for a particularly clear example, see her Augustine and the Jews, 98. Another good example of the power of this (justified) motivation comes in Ross Shepard Kraemer’s recent The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020); although, as she writes, she resists a teleological reading of anti-Judaism in late antiquity, most scholars do read late antiquity through later centuries, and to do so seems increasingly urgent in the present day (Kraemer, Diaspora in Late Antiquity, xi–xiii).
90 On contra iudaeos rhetoric and its intersection with law, see, in particular, Paula Fredriksen, “Roman Christianity and the Post-Roman West: The Social Correlates of the Contra Iudaeos Tradition,” in Jews, Christians, and the Roman Empire: The Poetics of Power in Late Antiquity (Jewish Culture and Contexts; ed. Natalie B. Dohrmann and Annette Yoshiko Reed; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013) 249–66.
91 See, e.g., Gavin Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Robert Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
92 Richard I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007 [1987]) 198 (italics in original).
93 As Kotrosits, Rethinking Early Christian Identity, 134–35, has argued of several texts of the first and second century.
94 For an account of Christianization beyond a model of “conversion” or “affiliation,” instead focused on indwelling language, see also the epilogue in Catherine M. Chin, Grammar and Christianity in the Late Roman World (Divinations; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007) 170–74.
