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Original Sin as the Evil Inclination–A Polemicist's Appreciation of Human Nature*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2011

Jeremy Cohen
Jeremy Cohen
Affiliation:
Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853
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Extract

Studies on the essence and development of the concept of original sin abound. Not only has this fundamental tenet of Christian theology played an important role in the history of Western religious thought, but it continues to command the attention of scholars and theologians even today. Given this great interest, one is occasionally surprised at the narrowness of the historical and religious framework to which many have confined their discussions of original sin. All too often, scholars have overlooked the significance which events within the community they are examining or parallel developments in other religious communities might have for explicating a new direction in the history of this doctrine. While the present study can hope neither to reformulate the findings of the voluminous literature on original sin nor to compensate in large measure for this methodological shortcoming at times inherent in it, it will attempt to demonstrate by example how the notion of original sin did not evolve in a historical vacuum. It both drew from and contributed to prevalent philosophical and political theory, and it even interacted significantly with non-Christian religious concepts.

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Articles
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Harvard Theological Review , Volume 73 , Issue 3-4 , October 1980 , pp. 495 - 520
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Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1980

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References

1 On the history of and contemporary interest in original sin, see A. Gaudel, “Péché originel,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, 12/1. 275–624; Gross, Julius, Geschichie des Erbsündendogmas: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Problems vom Ursprung des Übels (4 vols.; Munich, 1960–1972)Google Scholar; Rondet, Henri, Le péché originel dans la tradition patristique et théologique (Paris, 1967)Google Scholar; Baumann, Urs, Erbsünde? Ihr traditionelles Verständnis in der Krise heutiger Theologie (Ökumenische Forschungen 2/2; Freiburg, 1970)Google Scholar; Lukken, G. M., Original Sin in the Roman Liturgy (Leiden, 1973)Google Scholar; and Vandervelde, G., Original Sin: Two Major Trends in Contemporary Roman Catholic Reinterpretation (Amsterdam, 1975).Google Scholar

2 Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judaeos (1687; reprint ed., Westmead, 1967)Google Scholar. Although the first brief philosophical section of this work was directed by Martini at Muslim Averroists, the overall anti-Jewish emphasis of the book is evident in its author's opening statement (prooemium §§ 2–3, p. 2): “Deinde cum juxta sententiam Senecae, ‘nulla pestis sit efficacior ad nocendum quam familiaris inimicus’: nullus autem inimicus Christianae fidei magis sit familiaris, magisque nobis inevitabilis, quam Judaeus … hujusmodi pugionem … talem tamen, qualem scivero, atque potuero principaliter contra Judaeos; deinde contra Saracenos, et alios quosdam verae fidei adversarios fabricabo.”

3 Ibid., 3.2.6, pp. 579–89.

4 lbid., 3.2.6.6, p. 587: “Dixit R. Benjamin, Amorem mundi dedit in cordibus ipsorum. Dixit R. Nehemias, ‘Cuncta fecit pulcra in tempore suo (Eccles. 3 v. 11,’ sicut dictum est” (Gen. 1 v. 31), “Et vidit Deus totum quod fecerat, et ecce bonum valde.' ‘Et ecce bonum,’ hoc est, figmentum bonum. ‘Valde,’ hoc est, figmentum malum. Et nunquid figmentum malum est bonum valde? Non nisi ex consequenti: nisi enim figmentum malum fuisset, non aedificasset homo domum, nec duxisset uxorem, nec procreasset filios; quia sic dicit Salomoh (Eccles. 4 v. 4), ‘Quia ipsa est aemulatio viri, vel cujuslibet a proximo suo.’”

5 Qoh. Rab. 3.11.3, whence the version the text above.

6 Gen. Rab. 9 (on 1:31); Midr. Tehillim 9.1. For confirmation of the regular use which Raymond Martini made of these midrashic collections, see Lieberman, Saul, Shkiin: A Few Words on Some Jewish Legends, Customs, and Literary Sources Found in Karaite and Christian Works [Hebrew] (2d ed., Jerusalem, 1970) 85–86, 88.Google Scholar

7 Pugio 3.2.6.1, p. 579: “‘Originale peccatum’ itaque dicitur apud nos ‘fomes peccati,’ scilicet ‘concupiscentia,’ vel ‘concupiscibilitas,’ quae quandoque dicitur ‘lex membrorum,’ quandoque ‘languor naturae,’ quandoque ‘tyrranus, qui est in membris nostris,’ quandoque ‘lex carnis.’”

8 5:12–19.

9 7:7–ll, 24–25. All biblical quotations have been taken from the NEB.

10 Cf. Deut 30:11–14; Schechter, Solomon, Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology (New York, 1910) 185–89Google Scholar; Moore, George Foot, Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era (2 vols.; 1927–1930Google Scholar; reprint ed., New York, 1971) 1. 474–76, 479; and especially Tennant, F. R., The Sources of the Doctrine of the Fall and Original Sin (1903; reprint ed., New York, 1968) 160–68. Tennant points out that even the idea that all men inherit Adam's punishment of mortality originated only among the Amora im of the third century.Google Scholar

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13 B.Qidd. 30b; Ber. 61a; 'Abot R. Nat. A, chap. 16.

14 Exod. Rab. 41.12; b. Sank 103a; Num. Rab. 17.6.

15 See the statements of R. Isaac, R. Asi, and Rava in b. Sukk. 52.

16 B. Sanh. 45a; Sipra, Aḥarei § 9 (on 13:9).

17 B. Sabb. 105b. cf. the statement of R. Meir in Song Rab. 2.4.1 and also Exod. Rab. 41.12.

18 B. B. Bat. 16a; Sukk. 52b.

19 B. Sukk. 52b; Sanh. 105a; Qidd. 30b; cf. B. Bat. 16a.

20 B. Sukk. 52b; Qidd. 16a; Sanh. 43b; Lev. Rab. 34a.

21 M. 'Abot 4.1; cf. Taylor, Charles, ed., Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (rev. ed.; New York, 1969) 63–64 and n. 2.Google Scholar

22 Goldin, Judah, trans., The Fathers according to Rabbi Nathan (Yale Judaica Series 10; New Haven, 1955) chap. 16, p. 85.Google Scholar

23 Sipre Deut. 32 (on 6:5).

24 B. Sanh. 107b.

25 B. Yoma 69b; cf. Sanh. 64a.

26 See above, n. 7.

27 Augustine De continentia 3.8 (PL 40. 354); because Martini has copied this reference, as well as his definition of original sin, from Peter Lombard's Sententiae (2.30.8), he joined Peter Lombard in incorrectly attributing the Augustinian statement to a tract entitled De baptismo parvulorum. On the centrality of Augustine in the history of Catholic teaching on original sin, see, e.g., Gaudel, “Péché originel,” 371, who dubs Augustine the “docteur de péché originel et de la grâce”; Turmel, J., “Le dogme du péché originel dans saint Augustine,” Revue d'histoire et de littérature religieuses 6 (1901) 425–26Google Scholar; Williams, The Ideas, 319; and Gross, Geschichte, 1. 375: “Augustinus ist somit im Vollsinn des Wortes der Vater des Erbsündendogmas.”

28 On Martini's first theological treatise, the Explanario symboli apostolorum, see Cavallera, F., “L' ‘Explanatio simboli apostolorum’ de Raymond Martin, O.P.,” in Studia mediaevalia in honorem admodum reverendi paths Raymundi Josephi Martin (Bruges, 1948) 201–20Google Scholar; Berthier, André, “Un maître orientaliste du xiiie siècle: Raymond Martin O.P.,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 6 (1936) 299Google Scholar; and Tomás, and Artau, Joaquín Carreras y, Historia de la filosofia español: Filosofia cristiana de los siglos xiii al xv (2 vols.; Madrid, 1939–1943) 1. 153–54.Google Scholar

29 Berthier, “Un maître,” 299–304; Aquinas, Thomas, Liber de veritate catholice fidei contra errores infidelium, ed. Marc, Peter et al. (3 vols.; Tours, 1961–1967) 1.Google Scholar 3, 60–73; Murphy, Thomas, “The Date and Purpose of the Contra Gentiles,” HeyJ 10 (1969) 405–15.Google Scholar

30 DCD 14.11.

31 Contra Julianum Pelagianum 6.10.28 (PL 44. 838).

32 DCD 13.6,13; 14.11.

33 DCD 13.13 (4. 144–45); 14.15.

34 DCD 14.4.

35 Liber de veritate (Summa contra gentiles) 4.50.

36 De malo 4.2 (Vivès 13. 418), emphasis mine; see also ST 1–2.81.2.

37 ST 1–2.82.1, ad 1–2; 1–2.83.3.

38 De malo 4.2 (Vivès 13.419).

39 See Keating, Charles J., The Effects of Original Sin in the Scholastic Tradition from St. Thomas Aquinas to William Ockham (Catholic University of America Studies in Sacred Theology 2/120; Washington, 1959) 52–53Google Scholar; cf. Gaudel, “Péché originel,” 471; and Lottin, O., “Le péché originel chez Albert le Grand, Bonaventure et Thomas d'Aquin,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 12 (1940) 314.Google Scholar

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41 Cf. Kors, J.-B., La justice primitive et le péché originel d'après S. Thomas: Les sources-la doctrine (Bibliothèque thomiste 2; Paris, 1930) 98–99, 154, 158; see also Gaudel, “Péché originel,” 478–84; and Keating, The Effects, 49, 52–54.Google Scholar

42 DCD 13.3.

43 DCD 13.14 (4. 180–81); cf. De peccatorum meritis et remissione 3.7.14, and Contra Julianum Pelagianum 3.18.35.

44 Opus imperfectum contra Julianum 2.42; De nuptiis et concupiscentia 2.21.36.

45 De nuptiis et concupiscentia, 2.5.15 (PL 44. 444); cf. De peccatorum meritis et remissione 2.9.11. The exact function of concupiscence in Augustine's thought on original sin is hard to determine; at times it seems as if concupiscence is identified with the original sin in every individual, while elsewhere a distinction is drawn between a state of culpability for Adam's lust or reatus concupiscentiae, equated with original sin, and concupiscence itself, the punishment (in itself sinful as well) for original sin and the agent of its transmission from one generation to the next. Modern views on the subject often divide along party lines, Protestant theologians arguing that Augustine identified original sin with sexual passion and Catholics stressing the distinction between reatus concupiscentiae and concupiscentia. See, e.g., Turmel, “Le dogme,” Revue d'histoire et de littérature religieuses 7 (1902) 129–35Google Scholar; Donau, F., “La pensée de Saint Augustin sur la nature du péché originel,” Revue apologetique 34 (1922) 414–25Google Scholar, 486–95; Williams, The Ideas, 365ff.; Gaudel, “Péché originel,” 396–98; and Hans Staffner, “Die Lehre des Hl. Augustinus über das Wesen der Erbsünde,” ZKTh 79 (1957) 385–416. Yet even though, as all will agree Augustine maintained, the physical act of sexual intercourse transmits original sin, the guilt of original sin is essentially that of the soul (DCD 13.13, 14.15), and Augustine was constantly troubled by the problem of how original sin entered the soul of a newly born person. He never decided conclusively between the answers of traducianism and creationism; each had its shortcomings, although the exigencies of the Pelagian controversy often induced Augustine to espouse the former over the latter. See especially Turmel, “Le dogme,” 7. 135–46; Rondet, Le péché originel, 161–67; and Gross, Geschichte, 1. 334–46.Google Scholar

46 ST 1.118.2 (15. 152–53); “Et ideo haereticum est dicere quod is anima intellectiva traducatur cum semine.” For Aquinas' dissatisfaction with such explanations of human solidarity, see Liber de veritate 4.51–52; ST 1–2.81.1

47 Liber de veritate 4.52.

48 ST 1–2.81.1 (26. 10–11).

49 Ibid., ad 2; 1–2.81.3, ad 2; 1–2.81.4.

50 ST 1–2.17.9; 1–2.83.1, c. and ad 1.

51 Opus imperfectum contra Julianum 4.104 (PL 45. 1401); cf. also DCD 12.1, 224; and De libero arbitrio 2.20.54.

52 De nuptiis et concupiscentia 2.34.57 (PL 44. 471).

53 DCD 13.27; 14.1, 16–19, 22–26.

54 See the elaborate description in DCD 22.22, as well as the illustrative treatment Augustine's “Psychology of Fallen Man” by Deane, Herbert A., The Political and social Ideas of St. Augustine (New York, 1963) 39–77.Google Scholar

55 ST 1–2.85.3–6.

56 Keating, The Effects, 70.

57 ST 1–2.85.1; 1.100.1

58 ST 1–2.81.1; 1–2.85.1 (26.80–81). Aquinas ascribes this auctoritas to Bede's commentary on Luke, but it is therein nowhere to be found; see the editorial comment of T. C. O'Brien, 80, n. f.

59 ST 1–2.85.1; 1.100.1.

60 See O'Brien's comments in ST 26. 157.

61 ST 1.95; 1.97, passim.

62 ST 1–2.87.7 (27. 34–37). On the notion of pure nature–without original justice or original sin–see Keating, The Effects, 15ff.; Kors, La justice, 162; Gaudel, “Péché originel,” 484; and O'Brien's comments in ST 26. 150–51.

63 See 'Abot R. Nat. B, chap. 42; and Pugio 3.2.7.3, p. 593, quoting the gloss of Rashi on Isa 5:1ff.: “‘Et elapidavit illam’ a figmento malo donec comedit de ligno, et tune intravit in ipsum figmentum malum. … ‘Et ascendet spina, et vepres,’ id est, praevalebit in eo figmentum malum, et in generationibus ejus post.eum ad faciendum opera incomposita, et inordinata.” While this gloss appears as Rashi's only here in the Pugio, see on Martini's general credibility in his citation of rabbinic sources, Lieberman, Saul, “Raymund Martini and His Alleged Forgeries,” Historia Judaica 5 (1943) 87–102Google Scholar, and idem, Shkiin, 43–98. Specifically with regard to Martini's use of Rashi, see Ch. Merchavya, “Regarding the Rashi Commentary to ‘Ḥelek’ [Hebrew],” Tarbiz 33 (1964) 259–86Google Scholar, and idem, “Additional Information Concerning the Rashi Commentary to Ḥelek [Hebrew],” Tarbiz 35 (1966) 278–94.Google Scholar

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66 Deane, The Political and Social Ideas, 62; for general discussions of this patristic outlook, see 78–153; and Troeltsch, Social Teaching, 100ff.

67 ST 1–2.82.3, ad 1; 1–2.94.2; 2–2.154.2; 3.18.2

68 ST 1–2.89.5

69 ST 1.92.1, ad 2; 1.96.4.

70 De regimine principum (De regno) § 1, in Aquinas, Thomas, Selected Political Writings, ed. d'Entreves, A. P., trans. J. G. Dawson (Oxford, 1959) 8–9.Google Scholar

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73 ST 2–2.77'.4 (38. 228–29).

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75 Gilby, Thomas, The Political Thought of Thomas Aquinas (Chicago, 1958) 155.Google Scholar

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80 Such indeed was Thomas Aquinas' primary objective; see the prologue to the ST; and cf. Grabmann, Martin, Introduction to the Theological Summa of St. Thomas, trans. Zybura, John S. (St. Louis, 1930) 70Google Scholar; and Chenu, M.-D., Toward Understanding Saint Thomas, trans. A. M. Landry and D. Hugh (Chicago, 1964) 299.Google Scholar

81 On the various activities of the mendicants, see Hinebusch, William A., A History of the Dominican Order (2 vols.; Staten Island, NY, 1966–1973)Google Scholar; and Moorman, John, A History of the Franciscan Order from Its Origins to the Year 1519 (Oxford, 1968).Google Scholar

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85 On the friars' concern with the Jews, see my doctoral dissertation, “Mendicants, the Medieval Church, and the Jews: Dominican and Franciscan Attitudes towards the Jews in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries” (Cornell University, 1978). Pages 172–243 deal specifically with Raymond Martini and the significance of his anti-Jewish polemic.Google Scholar

86 Ibid., 195–209; Bonfil, R., “The Nature of Judaism in Raymundus Martini's Pugio fidei,” [Hebrew], Tarbiz 40 (1971) 360–75.Google Scholar

87 Pugio, prooemium §§ 5–9, pp. 2–4.

88 Höllhuber, Ivo, Geschichte der Philosophie im spanischen Kulturbereich (Munich, 1967) 27–31.Google Scholar

89 On the condemnations of Averroism and the accompanying opposition to Aquinas see Gilson, Etienne, History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (New York, 1955) 402–27Google Scholar, 725–49; Callus, Daniel A., The Condemnation of St. Thomas at Orford (Oxford, 1955)Google Scholar; and Mandonnet, Pierre, Siger de Brabant et l'Averroisme latin au xiiie siècle (2d ed.; 2 vols.; Louvain, 1908–1911) 1. 80–112, 196–251, passim. Specifically, with regard to original sin, see Gross, Geschichte, 3. 302–13.Google Scholar

90 See the Latin version of Lull's contemporary biography in Peers, E. Allison, ed., A Life of Ramon Lull (London, 1927) 52.Google Scholar

91 On Spanish Averroism, see Pelayo, Marcelino Menendez y, Historia de los heterodoxos españoles (2d ed.; 7 vols.; Madrid, 1911–1932) 3. 244–55.Google Scholar

92 Aquinas, In II Sent., 44.1.2, ad 5 (Vives, 7. 528), trans, in Bigongiari, The Political Ideas, xi.