Dictators and Philosophers in the First Century A.D.

Jocelyn M. C Toynbee

doi:10.1017/S0017383500008500

Dictators and Philosophers in the First Century A.D.

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 January 2009

Jocelyn M. C Toynbee

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It was just over half a century ago, in 1892, that Gaston Boissier published a discussion of the Stoic ‘martyrs’ under Nero in the second chapter of his well-known work L'Opposition sous les Cèsars. Since then two especially noteworthy studies of the ‘philosophic opposition’ in the first century A.D. have appeared in English, that of M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (1926), pp. 108 ff., and, more recently, that of D. R. Dudley, A History of Cynicism (1937), pp. 125 ff. The story of men who maintained a critical or, at the least, independent attitude in the face of a totalitarian règime is obviously of great significance for us to-day. Theoretically, of course, the term ‘autocracy’, in its strict sense of ‘unaccountability’ of government, cannot be applied to the imperial system of the early Empire. On paper the ‘tyrants’, Tiberius, Gaius, Nero, and Domitian, no less than the ‘enlightened monarchs’, Augustus, Claudius, Vespasian, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, were delegates senatus populique Romani, chief magistrates and servants of the state. But in practice the ever-expanding range of the imperial provincia, coupled with the unceasing growth of the ‘mystical’ auctoritas bequeathed by the first Princeps to his successors, had produced an effective absolutism comparable, in many respects, to that of the autocrats or ‘dictators’ of modern authoritarian states. How did political thought and action in the Roman Empire respond to this de facto autocracy? How, above all, did they respond to its abuse? For us these are no merely academic questions. The parallelism, such as it is, between the ancient and the modern situations must serve as an excuse for presuming to rehandle a familiar theme.

Type: Research Article
Information: Greece & Rome , Volume 13 , Issue 38-39 , June 1944 , pp. 43 - 58

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0017383500008500 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © The Classical Association 1944

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^{Page 43 note 1} The same views on this subject are repeated in Rostovtzeff's German edition (1931) and in his Italian edition (1933).

^{Page 43 note 2} Tacitus, , Ann. iv. 34–5.Google Scholar Cf. Suetonius, Tib. 61; Dio 57. 24, where the charge of praising Brutus and Cassius is coupled with that of ‘assailing the people and Senate’ and of failing to show any unusual respect for Caesar and Augustus.

^{Page 44 note 1} Suetonius, loc. cit.

^{Page 44 note 2} Tacitus, loc. cit.

^{Page 44 note 3} Suetonius, loc. eit.: ‘quamvis probarentur ante aliquot annos etiam Augusto audiente recitata’; Dio, loc. cit.: ἤν (sc. тἠν ἰσтΤοíαν) αὐтòς ςκεīνΤς (SC. ò AὔγΤuσΤтΤς) ἀνεγνὠκεὶ.

^{Page 44 note 4} Dio, loc. cit.: ὒσтεοΤν ἐ ἐξεograve;θІ αὖθǀς (ἄγγΤǀ тε γἀο καí μάγΤσтα ἡ θuγάтІο αὔтΤū Mαοκìα σuνἐκουεν αὐтά). Cf. Tacitus, loc. cit.: ‘set manserunt, occultati et editi.’

^{Page 44 note 5} Suetonius, , Gaius 16Google Scholar: ‘Cordi Cremuti… scripta senatus consultis abolita requiri et esse in manibus lectitarique permisit.’

^{Page 44 note 6} Tacitus, loc. cit.: ‘nec deerunt, si damnatio ingruit, qui non modo Cassii et Bruti set etiam mei meminerint.’

^{Page 44 note 7} Dio, loc. cit.: Kαí πΤγὺ ἀξǀΤσπΤuασтòтεοα (sc. тὰ σuγγοάμμαтα αὐтΤū) ὐπ’ αὐтῆς тῆς тoū Kóοou σuμΦΤοᾰς ἐγἐνтo.

^{Page 44 note 8} Dio, loc. cit.: Tῷ Σεïανῷ ποΤσἐκοΤοσεν

^{Page 44 note 9} Seneca, , Consol. ad Marciam 22. 4.Google Scholar When it was decreed that a statue of Sejanus should be set up in the Theatre of Pompey, which was being restored after a fire, Cremutius had exclaimed tunc vere theatrum perire.

^{Page 44 note 10} Tacitus, , Ann. i. 4.Google Scholar

^{Page 45 note 1} Seneca, , Epp. 14. 12–13.Google Scholar

^{Page 45 note 2} Catalogue of Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vol. iii, p. 135Google Scholar, no. 684, pi. 22, no. 21.

^{Page 45 note 3} It is noteworthy that Marcus Aurelius in his Meditations (i. 14) couples his knowledge of the Stoic and republican heroes Thrasea, Helvidius, Cato, Dion, Brutus with his acquisition of the concept of the ideal empire and ideal kingship: γνῶναı Θογσἐαν, ‘EγβìıΤν, KάΤωνα, Δìωνα BοΤῠΤν, kαí, ɸανΤασìαν λαβεīν πΤλíΤεìας ìσΤνòμΤο, KαΤ’ ìσòΤІΤα kαí ìσΤγΤοìαν ǀΤǀkΤομἐνΤς, kαí βασǀλΕíας ΤíμὠσΤς πάνΤων μάλǀσΤα Τἠν ἐλεοθεοìαν ἀονΤμἐνων

^{Page 46 note 1} Dessau, , Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, i. 1448.Google Scholar

^{Page 46 note 2} Pliny, , Epp. i. 17.Google Scholar

^{Page 46 note 3} Loc. cit.

^{Page 46 note 4} Seneca, (Consol. ad Marciam 1. 3)Google Scholar mentions the suppression of Cremutius’ history and its preservation by Marcia. He does not, however, tell us what the charges were which the accusatores brought against Cremutius at Sejanus’ instigation. But he says (ibid. 22. 7) that when the accusatores heard of Cremutius'resolve to starve himself to death they complained to the consuls as though he were ‘giving them the slip’ before they could finish the trial. This, coupled with Cremutius’ preference for suicide to facing further proceedings, suggests that there may have been other charges against him of a more serious kind.

^{Page 46 note 5} Cf. Dudley, op. cit., p. 129.

^{Page 46 note 6} ii. 20.

^{Page 46 note 7} i.

^{Page 46 note 8} 9. 10.

^{Page 46 note 9} Op. cit., p. 129 f.

^{Page 47 note 1} For dislike of philosophy in court circles cf. Suet. Nero 52: ‘a philosophia eum (sc. Neronem) mater avertit monens imperaturo contrariam esse’.

^{Page 47 note 2} Tacitus, , Ann. xiv. 22.Google Scholar

^{Page 47 note 3} Ibid. 57.

^{Page 47 note 4} Dudley, op. cit., p. 128.

^{Page 47 note 5} Life and Principate of the Emperor Nero, p. 295.

^{Page 47 note 6} Op. cit., p. 128.

^{Page 47 note 7} Op. cit., p. 103.

^{Page 48 note 1} Op. cit., p. 128.

^{Page 48 note 2} Ann. xv. 60.

^{Page 48 note 3} Ibid. xiv. 52.

^{Page 48 note 4} Ibid. xiv. 59.

^{Page 48 note 5} Ibid. xv. 71. Cf. Dio 62. 27.

^{Page 48 note 6} Tacitus, , Ann. xvi. 7.Google Scholar

^{Page 48 note 7} Suetonius, , Nero 37Google Scholar; Dio, loc. cit.

^{Page 48 note 8} Ann. xvi. 9. Pomponius (Digest 1. 2. 2, § 52) says that Longinus was recalled and died a natural death under Vespasian.

^{Page 48 note 9} Suetonius, , Persius.Google Scholar

^{Page 48 note 10} Dio 62. 29.

^{Page 48 note 11} Op. cit., p. 132.

^{Page 48 note 12} Dio, loc. cit.

^{Page 48 note 13} Loc. cit.

^{Page 49 note 1} Ann. xv. 49.

^{Page 49 note 2} Lucan.

^{Page 49 note 3} Loc. cit.

^{Page 49 note 4} Dio 62. 26: ἐπιβΤυῆς μἐν αíΤìαν Τὐκ ἔσνΤν, ἀπέƟΤν ἐ καí αὐΤΤí ΤòΤΕ, ỡΤι ΤΤιΤῠΤΤι ἦσαν.

^{Page 49 note 5} Tacitus, , Ann. xvi. 21Google Scholar: ‘Nero virtutem ipsam excindere concupivit interfecto Thrasea Paeto et Barea Sorano.’

^{Page 49 note 6} Op. cit., p. 131.

^{Page 49 note 7} Ann. xiii. 49; xiv. 48–9; xvi. 31–2, 28. xiii. 49: Thrasea opposes the decree referring to the Syracusan gladiatorial shows and his friends demand an explanation (rationem poscentibus amicis) as to why he neglects imperial matters and concerns himself with trivialities, xiv. 48–9: Thrasea secures a lighter sentence for Antistius, accused of maiestas. xvi. 21–2. 28: Nero is indignant with Thrasea for walking out of the Senate House on the occasion of the motion about Agrippina, for taking no interest in the Juvenalia, for absenting himself when divine honours were voted to, Poppaea and for not appearing at her funeral; Capito Cossutianus accuses Thrasea of not taking the statutory oath of allegiance at the New Year, of absenting himself from the solemn prayers for the safety of the state, of not sacrificing for the Emperor's health or godlike voice, of not having entered the Senate House for three years.

^{Page 50 note 1} Ann. xvi. 22.

^{Page 50 note 2} Ibid.

^{Page 50 note 3} Nero 37.

^{Page 50 note 4} Tacitus, , Ann. xvi. 22Google Scholar

^{Page 50 note 5} Ibid. 28. The use of solitudo here reminds us of the famous epigram of Agricola 30: ‘ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant.’

^{Page 50 note 6} Ibid. 28.

^{Page 50 note 7} Ibid. 22.

^{Page 50 note 8} Ibid. 22.

^{Page 50 note 9} Ibid. 28.

^{Page 50 note 10} Ibid. 22.

^{Page 50 note 11} Ibid. 22.

^{Page 50 note 12} Ibid. 22. The Vindex-Galba denarius of 68–9 with Libertas on the obverse and the cap of liberty between two daggers on the reverse (Catalogue of Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vol. i, p. 290, nos. 7, 8, pi. 49, nos. 21, 22) makes it quite clear that the leaders of the military movement against Nero cast themselves for the part of ‘liberators’.

^{Page 50 note 13} Ibid. 22.

^{Page 51 note 1} Ibid. 28. Paconius’ father had suffered under Tiberius (Suetonius, , Tib. 61).Google Scholar

^{Page 51 note 2} Ibid. 28.

^{Page 51 note 3} Ibid. 23: ‘crimini dabatur amicitia Plauti’; 30: ‘orditurque de amicitia Rubelli Plauti’.

^{Page 51 note 4} Ibid. 23.

^{Page 51 note 5} Ibid. 23: ‘ambitio conciliandae provinciae ad spes novas’; 30: ‘alendo seditiones civitatium’.

^{Page 51 note 6} Ibid. 30–2.

^{Page 51 note 7} Tacitus, , Hist. iv. 5.Google Scholar

^{Page 51 note 8} Juvenal, , Sat. v. 36–7.Google Scholar Cf. Tacitus, Hist. iv. 8: ‘constantia fortitudine Catonibus et Brutis aequaretur Helvidius’.

^{Page 51 note 9} Op. cit., p. 135.

^{Page 52 note 1} Tacitus, , Ann. xvi. 33–4.Google Scholar

^{Page 52 note 2} Plutarch, , Cato Iun. 37Google Scholar:

^{Page 52 note 3} Tacitus, , Hist. iv. 6.Google Scholar

^{Page 52 note 4} Ibid. iii. 91.

^{Page 52 note 5} Ibid. iv. 4.

^{Page 52 note 6} Ibid. iv. 7.

^{Page 52 note 7} Ibid. iv. 9.

^{Page 52 note 8} Ibid. iv. 40 ff.

^{Page 52 note 9} Ibid. iv. 43. Cf. Dial. 5. 6.

^{Page 52 note 10} Ibid. iv. 44.

^{Page 52 note 11} Op. cit., p. 135.

^{Page 53 note 1} Tacitus, , Hist. iv. 4.Google Scholar

^{Page 53 note 2} Nero 39.

^{Page 53 note 3} Tacitus, , Ann. xvi. 34–5.Google Scholar Demetrius’ name is actually the last word from Tacitus’ pen which has come down to us.

^{Page 53 note 4} Tacitus, , Hist. iv. 40.Google Scholar

^{Page 53 note 5} e.g. Musonius, Rufus, Frag. viii. 8. 1.Google Scholar

^{Page 53 note 6} 65. 13. I quote from the translation in the Loeb edition.

^{Page 54 note 1} Vesp. 13.

^{Page 54 note 2} Vesp. 15. I quote from the translation in the Loeb edition.

^{Page 54 note 3} Diss. (ed. Shenkl) 1. 2. 19–24.

^{Page 54 note 4} 66. 12.

^{Page 55 note 1} Tacitus, , Hist. iv. 6.Google Scholar

^{Page 56 note 1} Op. cit., p. 137.

^{Page 56 note 2} Jerome, , s.a. 2095: ‘Titus Musonium Rufum philosophum de exilio revocat.’Google Scholar

^{Page 56 note 3} Dio 66. 13.

^{Page 56 note 4} For the normally non-revolutionary character of Musonius’ teaching see Charlesworth, M. P., Five Men, pp. 38 ff.Google Scholar

^{Page 56 note 5} Tacitus, , Hist. iii. 81.Google Scholar

^{Page 56 note 6} Op. cit., p. 129.

^{Page 56 note 7} Op. cit., p. 140.

^{Page 56 note 8} Op. cit., p. 110 ff.

^{Page 56 note 9} Op. cit., p. 154. Dio Chrysostom's orations πΕοí βασλΕìας are surely Stoic-Platonic in inspiration. As Dudley himself admits (op. cit., p. 148), ‘Dio drew on Stoic quite as much as on Cynic ideas and was also influenced by Plato and even Aristotle’.

^{Page 56 note 10} Op. cit., p. 135.

^{Page 56 note 11} Op. cit., p. 114.

^{Page 56 note 12} Cf. Cambridge Ancient History, xi, p. 9.

^{Page 57 note 1} Rostovtzeff, , op. cit., p. 110.Google Scholar

^{Page 57 note 2} Ibid.

^{Page 57 note 3} Dio 66. 12.

^{Page 57 note 4} Dio 66. 15.

^{Page 57 note 5} Cf. Dio 67. 12: ΜἀτεονΤν ἐ σΤΦιστἡν, ỡτι κατἀ τοοάννων εíπέ τι ἀσκῶν, ἀπἐκτεινε (sc. Domitian).

^{Page 57 note 6} Op. cit., p. 519.

^{Page 57 note 7} Dio 66. 12.

^{Page 58 note 1} Dio 67. 13.

^{Page 58 note 2} Cf. Suetonius, Domit. 10; Tacitus, , Agr. 2Google Scholar; Pliny, , Epp. vii. 19.Google Scholar

^{Page 58 note 3} Op. cit., p. 138.

^{Page 58 note 4} Ibid., p. 139, note 1.

^{Page 58 note 5} Pliny, , Epp. iii. 11.Google Scholar It looks as if Artemidorus had been confined to his house near Rome and was ‘under observation’. Pliny lets us know that he went to visit the philosopher there at great personal risk, during his praetorship.

^{Page 58 note 6} Tacitus, , Agr. 45Google Scholar; Suetonius, , Domit. 10Google Scholar: the execution of the younger Helvidius is here attributed to his criticism of the Emperor's matrimonial affairs in a stage farce.

^{Page 58 note 7} Op. cit., p. 141.

^{Page 58 note 8} Op. cit., pp. 141, note 2, 170. The main source, Lucian's On the Death of Peregrinus, is notoriously biased and polemical.

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