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THE DECLINE OF PTOLEMAIC ELEPHANT HUNTING: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2016

Matthew Cobb
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Extract

After the death of Alexander the Great in 323, his successors (diadochi) engaged in a series of internecine struggles to take control of the territory he had conquered. One of the most capable of these, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus (later to become Ptolemy I Soter), took control of Egypt, initially as satrap (323–306) and subsequently as king (306–283/282). Over several decades Ptolemy was able to seize Coele-Syria and parts of Asia Minor, and achieved leadership of the League of Islanders in the Aegean. The battles between the successors were fought with sizable infantry and cavalry forces. However, one of the most notable and highly valued components of these military forces were battle elephants.

Type
Research Article
Information
Greece & Rome , Volume 63 , Issue 2 , October 2016 , pp. 192 - 204
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 2016 

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Footnotes

*

All dates are bc unless otherwise stated.

References

1 For the career of Ptolemy I Soter, see Hölbl, G., A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (London, 2001), 9–34 Google Scholar.

2 Gaugamela: fifteen elephants (Arr. Anab. 3.8.6); Hydaspes: eighty-five elephants (Curt. 8.13.6).

3 Alexander already had twenty-seven elephants when he left Babylon in 327 bc: see Scullard, H., The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (London, 1974), 64–5Google Scholar.

4 For a discussion of the distribution of Alexander's elephant corps, see Kistler, J., War Elephants (Lincoln, NE, 2007), 47–53 Google Scholar.

5 Diod. Sic. 18.33–6, 19.82.3–4, 19.84.4. If Ptolemy I did capture Perdiccas’ elephants they do not appear to have been used at the Battle of Gaza. See Troncoso, V., ‘The Diadochi and the Zoology of Kingship: The Elephants’, in Troncoso, V. and Anson, E. (eds.), After Alexander. The Time of the Diadochi (323–281 bc) (Oxford, 2013), 258 Google Scholar.

6 Strabo 15.2.9; App. Syr. 55; Just. Epit. 15.4.21; see also Plut. Vit. Alex. 62.4.

7 Casson, L., ‘Ptolemy II and the Hunting of African Elephants’, TAPhA 123 (1993), 248 Google Scholar; Burstein, S. M., ‘Elephants for Ptolemy II: Ptolemaic Policy in Nubia in the Third Century bc ’, in McKechnie, P. and Guillaume, P. (eds.), Ptolemy II Philadelphus and His World (Leiden, 2008), 140 Google Scholar.

8 Casson (n. 7), 255, argues convincingly that Philadelphus should be given the credit for putting elephant hunting on a systematic basis. Contra Rostovtzeff and Fraser, who respectively attribute this to Euergetes or Philopator: Fraser, P., Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972), 179 Google Scholar; Rostovtzeff, M., ‘Zur Geschichte des Ost- und Südhandels im ptolemäisch-römischen Ägypten’, APF 4 (1908), 298–315 Google Scholar. Note that Agatharchides explicitly asserts that Philadelphus was the first to seriously pursue elephant hunting: Agatharchides 1.1 = Phot. Cod. 250.1, 441b.

9 These activities could have been disrupted by events such as a major rebellion in southern Egypt between 205 and 186 bc (discussed below).

10 Burstein, S., Agatharchides of Cnidus on the Erythraean Sea (Cambridge, 1989), 10–11 Google Scholar; contra Burstein (n. 7), 145–6.

11 Fraser (n. 8), 178–9.

12 For problems in the south in this period see, Manning, J., The Last Pharaohs. Egypt under the Ptolemies, 305–30 bc (Princeton, NJ, 2010), 17 Google Scholar; also Burstein (n. 7), 141, 146.

13 Casson (n. 7), 256.

14 Sidebotham, S., Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa 30 b.c.–a.d. 217 (Leiden, 1986), 4 Google Scholar.

15 H. Kortenbeutel, Der ägyptische Süd- und Osthandel in der Politik der Ptolemäer und römischen Kaiser, PhD dissertation, Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Berlin, 1931; Scullard (n. 3), 123–45; Casson (n. 7); Burstein (n. 7), 140–7.

16 OGI 54, lines 1–14; Cosmas Indic. Topogr. Christ. 2.140–2. For the Trogodytes who resided along stretches of territory near the Red Sea coast, see Strabo 16.4.4–5; Plin. HN 6.33.163–6.34.176.

17 For the graffito, see Bernard, A. and Masson, O., ‘Les inscriptiones grecques d'Abou Simbel’, REG 70 (1957), 40 Google Scholar; Desanges, J., ‘Les chasseurs d’éléphants d'Abou-Simbel’, in Actes du 92e Congrès national des sociétés savantes (Paris, 1970), 31–50 Google Scholar; Mairs, R., ‘Intersecting Identities in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt’, in Dann, R. J. and Exell, K. (eds.), Egypt. Ancient Histories, Modern Archaeologies (New York, 2013), 15 Google Scholar.

18 Burstein (n. 7), 141–2; Hölbl (n. 1), 55–6.

19 Strabo 16.4.5 (Satyrus); Strabo 16.4.7 (Eumedes); Diod. Sic. 3.18.4 (Simmias).

20 Strabo 17.1.25, Plin. HN 6.33.167 (Arsinoe); Strabo 16.4.4–5 (Philoteras); Strabo 17.1.45, Plin. HN 6.33.167–8 (Berenike); Strabo 16.4.7 (Ptolemais-of-the-Hunts). On these ports, see Cohen, G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa (Berkeley, CA, 2006)Google Scholar; also Sidebotham, S., Hense, M., and Nouwens, H., The Red Land (Cairo, 2008)Google Scholar.

21 Plin. HN 6.26.102 says that the journey from Koptos to Berenike was twelve days; assuming an equivalent travelling speed (an average of 15–20 miles per day), from Apollonpolis Magna this would be eight to nine days.

22 For the route from Edfu, see Wright, H., ‘Archaeological Survey in the Eastern Desert Conducted by the University of Michigan and the University of Assiut: Interim Report’, in Herbert, S. and Berlin, A. (eds.), Excavations at Coptos (Qift) in Upper Egypt 1987–1992 (Portsmouth, RI, 2003), 224–31Google Scholar. Strabo 17.1.45 is ambiguous about whether the route was cut from Koptos but the context of the passage suggests that this was the case. For the argument that Simiou was founded by Simmias, see Bülow-Jacobsen, A., ‘Toponyms and Proskynemata ’, in Cuvigny, H. (ed.), La Route de Myos Hormos (Cairo, 2006), 51–9Google Scholar.

23 Cohen (n. 20), 324, n. 6; Bernard, A., Pan du désert (Leiden, 1977)Google Scholar. For problems with indigenous populations later in the Roman period, see Cuvigny, H., Ostraca de Krokodilô (Cairo, 2005)Google Scholar.

24 One document mentions an expeditionary party of 231 men – W. Chr. 451; see Casson (n. 7), 252.

25 Arr. Indica, 13–14 (Megasthenes); Plin. HN 8.8.25 (Juba); Casson (n. 7), 249.

26 Casson (n. 7), 251–3; Sidebotham, S., Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route (London, 2011), 8 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Agatharchides 5.85a = Phot. Cod. 250.83, 456b–457a; Agatharchides 5.85b = Diod. Sic. 3.40.5.

28 A ‘V’-shaped ditch has been found at Berenike which the excavators have interpreted as a possible elephant corral: see Sidebotham, Hense, and Nouwens (n. 20), 162.

29 P. Petr. ii.20, col. iv; Casson (n. 7), 258–9.

30 One document from 223 indicates that the average monthly pay was 20 drachmas, a comparatively high wage rate: W. Chr. 451 (and see also W. Chr. 452); see Casson (n. 7), 252.

31 African Bush elephants (Loxodonta africana) are in fact larger than Indian elephants (Elephas maximus), but Forest elephants (Loxodonta cyclotis), who are related to the former, are smaller than both. Most recent scholars assume that the African elephants mentioned in ancient sources must have been the smaller Forest (not Bush) elephants because the authors repeatedly refer to them being smaller than Indian elephants: see Casson (n. 7), 248; Charles, M., ‘African Forest Elephants and Turrets in the Ancient World’, Phoenix 62 (2008), 338–9Google Scholar. Charles, M., ‘Elephants at Raphia: Reinterpreting Polybius 5.84–5’, CQ 57.1 (2007), 306–11Google Scholar, has proposed that some of Ptolemy's seventy-three elephants may have been Indians ones previously captured from the Seleucids, and these were the few brave ones who to put up a fight against Antiochus’ elephants. This is possible, since the aforementioned inscription of Ptolemy III mentions the capture of Indian elephants from the Seleucids, though this event predates the Battle of Raphia by 25–30 years, so it is likely that only a portion were still battle-worthy or living by this time. For the inscription's date, see Bowersock, G. W., The Throne of Adulis (Oxford, 2013), 41 Google Scholar.

32 Polyb. 5.79–84; Burstein (n. 10).

33 Fraser (n. 8), 179.

34 Polyb. 10.49, 11.34; Just. Epit. 41.4.

35 Elephant life spans parallel those of humans: see Casson (n. 7), 250, n. 12.

36 In a rather ambiguous passage of Strabo (11.11.1) it is reported that Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus (or at least one of the Graeco-Bactrian kings), took possession of Saraostos (Surashthra?) and Sigerdis (Kutch?) in Gujarat, and Patalena (the mouth of the Indus) in southern Pakistan.

37 On the Graeco-Bactrians, see Sidky, H., The Greek Kingdom of Bactria. From Alexander to Eucratides the Great (Lanham, MD, 2000)Google Scholar; also Mairs, R., The Hellenistic Far East (Oakland, CA, 2014)Google Scholar. For discussion of the Maurya, see Thapar, R., Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, third edition (Oxford, 2012)Google Scholar.

38 On the Parthians, see Colledge, M., The Parthians (London, 1976)Google Scholar.

39 Scullard (n. 3), 135.

40 Polyb. 21.42.12; Hölbl (n. 1), 145. Possibly this was not enforced until 163 or 162, when Gnaeus Octavius hamstrung the elephants at Apamea: see Polyb. 31.2.11; App. Syr. 46; Kuhrt, A. and Sherwin-White, S., From Samarkhand to Sardis (Oakland, CA, 1993), 215 Google Scholar. Alternatively, it has been suggested that new elephants were acquired: see Sekunda, N., Seleucid and Ptolemaic Reformed Armies 168–145 bc (Stockport, Ches., 1994), 27–8Google Scholar.

41 1 Macc. 1.17.

42 Polyb. 30.25.11.

43 2 Macc. 11.5; Scullard (n. 3), 186.

44 Contrary to Sekunda's claim, followed by Kistler, Strabo does not state that there was an elephant-breeding ground at Apamea, but in fact only one for horses: Strabo 16.2.10; Sekunda (n. 40), 27–8; Kistler (n. 4), 69.

45 See Colledge (n. 38); Scullard (n. 3), 186. The Graeco-Bactrians were already losing territory to nomadic invaders around this time. Samarkand was sacked c.145–130 and Aï Khanum c.145: see Strabo 11.8.2; Fan Ye, Hou Han Shu, 88.13–14; Rapin, C., ‘Nomads and the Shaping of Central Asia: From the Early Iron Age to the Kushan Period’, in Cribb, J. and Herrmann, G. (eds.), After Alexander. Central Asia before Islam (London, 2007), 29–72 Google Scholar.

46 Joseph, AJ, 13.4.8–9; Scullard (n. 3), 188–9. Antiochus VII used ten of these Forest elephants against the Parthians in 130, after which there is no further record of their use by the Seleucids: see Kistler (n. 4), 154–5.

47 Adler, J., ‘Governance in Ptolemaic Egypt: From Raphia to Cleopatra VII (217–31 b.c.): Class-based “Colonialism”?’, Akroterion 50 (2005), 27–38 Google Scholar; Manning (n. 12), 17.

48 Arist. Mete. 1.14.20–8; Strabo 17.1.25–6; Plin. HN 6.33.165; Hdt. 2.158–9; Diod. Sic. 1.33.7–12; Cohen (n. 20), 308; Sidebotham (n. 26), 19; Burstein (n. 7), 143.

49 Casson, L., ‘Rome's Trade with the East: The Sea Voyage to Africa and India’, TAPhA 110 (1980), 21–36 Google Scholar; Whitewright, J., ‘How Fast is Fast? Technology, Trade and Speed under Sail in the Roman Red Sea’, in Starkey, I., Starkey, P., and Wilkinson, T. (eds.), Natural Resources and Cultural Connections of the Red Sea (Oxford, 2007), 77–87 Google Scholar.

50 P.CtYBR inv. 624: see Peppard, M., ‘A Letter Concerning Boats in Berenike and Trade on the Red Sea’, ZPE 171 (2009), 193–8Google Scholar.

51 Burstein (n. 7), 145–6.

52 Casson (n. 7), 256; Ptolemais-of-the-Hunts continued to act as a commercial port: Peripl. M. Rubr. 3.

53 Plin. HN 8.4.7.

54 Peripl. M. Rubr. 3, 6, 7, 10, 16–17: Ptolemais-of-the-Hunts (Sudan) – occasionally a little ivory (likewise Adulis); Barbaria (Zoskales kingdom) – ivory, and weapons for hunting; Avalites (Ethiopia?) – a little ivory; Mosyllon (probably Ras Filuch) – ivory on rare occasions; at Rhapta (Dar es Salaam) – a great amount of ivory.

55 Burstein, S. M., ‘Ivory and Ptolemaic Exploration of the Red Sea: The Missing Factor’, Topoi 6.2 (1996), 799–807 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 IG xi.2163Aa7, 203A71, 287A118; Rathbone, D., ‘The “Muziris” Papyrus (SB XVIII 13167): Financing Roman Trade with India’, in Abd-El-Ghani, S. and Farag, W. (eds.), Alexandrian Studies in Honour of Mostafa el Abbadi (Alexandria, 2000), 39–50 Google Scholar; Sidebotham, Hense, and Nouwens (n. 20), 162–4; Burstein (n. 55), 803–4. See also Reger, G., ‘The Price Histories of some Imported Goods on Independent Delos’, in Scheidel, W. and von Reden, S. (eds.), The Ancient Economy (Edinburgh, 2002), 133–54Google Scholar, who argues that other factors beyond supply may have contributed to the prices recorded.

57 Agatharchides, frs. 54a and b, 55a, 56a and b – for these, see Burstein (n. 10).

58 Arr. Tact. 2.2. Stockpiles of ivory found at the palace of Wad ben Naqa also allude to elephant-hunting activities: see Shinnie, P. L., Meroe. A Civilization of Sudan (London, 1967), 94–5, 100, 111Google Scholar; Welsby, D. A., The Kingdom of Kush. The Napatan and Meroitic Empires (London, 1996), 43, 124, 146–7, 175–6Google Scholar; Haaland, R., ‘The Meroitic Empire: Trade and Cultural Influences in an Indian Ocean Context’, African Archaeological Review 31 (2014), 649–73Google Scholar.

59 Sidebotham (n. 14), 4.

60 Plin. HN 8.5.13; Ael. NA 8.17; see also Arist. Hist. an. 578a18; Scullard (n. 3), 44, 212.

61 Casson (n. 7), 251, n. 13; Burstein (n. 7), 145; Kistler (n. 4), 68–9.

62 See the Elephant Reproduction Project of the Smithsonian Conservation Biology Institute, <https://nationalzoo.si.edu/SCBI/ReproductiveScience/ElephantBreedRepro/>, accessed 27 November 2015.