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Students and Politics in Contemporary Spain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2014

J. M. Maravall
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Extract

THE ORGANIZATION OF SPANISH UNIVERSITIES AFTER THE CIVIL WAR put them under the control of Falange and the Catholic Church. The Ley de Ordenaciόn Universitaria (Law of University Organization) of 1943 established this Falangist/Catholic control over the recruitment of academic staff, the content of teaching and the appointment of Rectors. In 1940, a pre-war Falangist student union, the SEU (Sindicato Español Universitario) was converted into a state-controlled, single and (since 1943) compulsory student union, the officials of which were appointed by the government.

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Article
Information
Government and Opposition , Volume 11 , Issue 2 , 01 April 1976 , pp. 156 - 179
Copyright
Copyright © Government and Opposition Ltd 1976

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References

1 Descriptive accounts of the Spanish student movement are provided in Giner, S., ‘Spain’, in Archer, M. S. (ed.), Students, University and Society, Heinemann, London, 1972 Google Scholar; Tierno Galván, E., ‘Students’ Opposition in Spain’, Government and Opposition, 1, 4, 1966 Google Scholar; Peña, A., ‘Veinticinco Años de Luchas Estudiantiles’, in Horizonte Español 1966, Ruedo Ibérico, Paris, 1966, vol. II Google Scholar; Farga, M. J., Universidad y Democrada en España, Era, Mexico, 1969 Google Scholar; S. León, ‘Noras Sobre el Movimiento Estudiantil en España’ and Formentor, D., ‘Universidad: Crónica de Siete Años de Lucha’, in Horizonte Español 1972, Ruedo Ibérico, Paris, 1972, vol. 2 Google Scholar.

2 Linz, J. J., ‘Opposition in and under an Authoritarian Regime: the Case of Spain’, in Dahl, R. A. (ed.), Regimes and Oppositions, Yale University Press, 1973 Google Scholar.

3 See Linz, J. J., ‘From Falange to Movimiento Organisation. The Spanish Single Party and the Franco Regime, 1936–68’, in Huntington, S. P. and Moore, C. H. (eds.), Authoritarian Politics in Modern Society, Basic Books, New York, 1970 Google Scholar. Also Payne, S. G., Falange, Stanford University Press, 1962 Google Scholar.

4 See the discussion of such trends in Bernal, A., ‘En el Corazón de la Violencia’, Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico, 12, April‐May 1967 (pp. 3–25)Google Scholar.

5 See on that final period, S. León, ‘Notas sobre el Movimiento Estudiantil en España’ and D. Formentor, ‘Universidad: Crónica de Siete Años de Lucha’, op. cit.

6 See Touraine, A., La Société Post‐Industriette, Denoel, Paris, 1969 Google Scholar, and ‘Crise et Conflict’, in Cahiers Intemationaux de Sociologie, vol. XLVIII, 1970. Touraine develops these three dimensions further in La Sociologie de l’Action, Seuil, Paris, 1965, pp. 160–64, and La Conscience Ouvrière, Seuil, Paris, 1966, pp. 17, 95, passim. I am aware that the principe de totalité in Touraine means something more than the alternative (the claim) that legitimizes the struggle, although I believe that it does include this—and therefore it may be accepted that the ‘alternative/claim’ is an indicator of the principe de totalité.

7 It must obviously be noted that relevant differences will be expressed as small variations in fractions of the unit.

8 On the basis of a national sample of 1951 individuals, male and female, between 15 and 29 years of age, representative on the data of the 1960 census. See Revista Española de la Opinión Pública, 15, 1969, and Torregrosa, J. R., La Juventud Española, Ariel, Barcelona, 1972 Google Scholar.

9 The survey is part of the study by the Fundación FOESSA, Informe Sociológico sobre la Situatión Social de España, Euramérica, Madrid, 1970. Thanks to the director of the research, Professor A. de Miguel, a set of the IBM cards was available to me and secondary analysis of the data was carried out with the help of Nuffield College Research Services Unit in the Autumn of 1973—Mr Clive Payne and Miss Klèri Smith were particularly helpful.

10 This section is based on the results of a programme of intensive interviewing of a sample of 50 leading militants, which was representative of a reputational population of 232 militants of secret political organizations in the University of Madrid between 1955 and 1970. See Maravall, J. M., ‘Political Socialisation and Political Dissent’, Sociology, 10, 1, 1976 Google Scholar, and Political Power and Student Radicalism, unpublished D.Phil, University of Oxford, 1975.

11 Linz, J. J., ‘An Authoritarian Regime: Spain’, in Allardt, E., Littunen, Y. (eds.), Cleavages, Ideologies and Party Systems. Contributions to Comparative Political Sociology, Transactions of the Westermarck Society, Helsinki, 1964 Google Scholar; by the same author, ‘From Falange to Movimiento Organization. The Spanish Single Party and the Franco Regime, 19361968’, in S. P. Huntington, C. H. Moore (eds.), Authoritarian Politics in Modern Society.

12 The Frente de Juventudes (Youth Front) is a youth organization of Falange that combines a para‐military and a boy‐scout character. Children from middle‐lower and lower status families provided a large membership between 1940 and 1960 particularly for the benefits of summer camps.

13 Jefe de Centuria (Chief of Century) is a high command post in the paramilitary structure of the Frente de Juventudes.

14 José Antonio Primo de Rivera was the son of the General Miguel Primo de Rivera, dictator between September 1923 and January 1930. In October 1933 he founded the Falange Española. Ramiro Ledesma Ramos and Onésimo Redondo were the founders in October 1931 of the Juntas de Ofensiva National Sindicalista—JONS (Juntas of National‐Syndicalist Offensive), a syndicalist movement of a nationalist, corporativist and populist ideology. The Falange and the JONS merged in a single organization in February 1934. Its programme was strongly anti‐liberal, anti‐democrat and authoritarian, nationalist, corporativist and radical in social reforms (it presented itself as revolutionary, anti‐conservative and anti‐capitalist). The organization had little support until the Civil War, after the deaths in 1936 of the three founders, when it was used as the main mobilizing ideology of the Francoist side.

15 Angel Pestaña was one of the principal leaders of the Confederation National del Trabajo—CNT (National Confederation of Labour), the anarchist union. He was a ‘moderate’ and opposed the revolutionary programme of the small anarchist organization FAI (Federatión Anarquista Ibérica) on the basis of a purely syndicalist ideology, and by 1932 he had lost almost all influence.

16 ‘The Three’ were Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, José Antonio Primo de Rivera and Onésimo Redondo.

17 The ‘National‐Syndicalist Revolution’ refers to the ‘radical’ programme of social reforms of Falange Española γ de las JONS: basically nationalization of banks and industries and agrarian reform. These ‘radical’ reforms were the populist elements of an overall political programme that included a corporativist organization of the workers, a non‐democratic authoritarian regime and a strongly nationalist ideology.