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Sedes: an Example of Opposition in a Conservative Authoritarian State

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2014

Extract

MANY COMMENTATORS HAVE DESCRIBED AND ANALYSED POLITICAL opositions in both democratic and authoritarian political systems. Scholars like Dahl, Lipset and Rokkan, Ionescu and Madariaga and Linz have advanced abroad taxonomies of oppositions. All seem to suffer from the difficulty in application to the specific political situation. Whether it be Dahl's categories of hegemony, polyarchy , near hegemony and near polyarchy ; Lipset and Rokkan's cleavages between church and state, landed estate and entrepreneur, employers and workers, and central and regional; or Ionescu and Madariaga's models which are based on the reasons an opposition is banned in a particular system, all have proved inadequate in describing the Portuguese opposition under Marcello Caetano. Even Linz's models of semi-opposition, alegal, and illegal opposition have failed to describe an opposition which is a combination of a semi-opposition and an alegal oposition. The object of this paper is to add information to the body of literature on oppositions within authoritarian systems and to provide a qualification to the Linz models, the semi-oppositionalegal opposition.

Type
Original Article
Copyright
Copyright © Government and Opposition Ltd 1977

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References

1 Dahl, Robert, Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, New Haven, Yale University Press. 1966, p. 348.Google Scholar

2 Lipset, S. and Rokkan, S., ‘Cleavage Structures Party Systems, and Voter Alignments’, in Rokkan, Lipset eds., Party Systems and Voter Alignments, New York: Free Press, 1967, pp. 164.Google Scholar

3 Ionescu, G. and de Madariaga, I., Opposition, Baltimore, Md.: Pelican Books, 1972.Google Scholar

4 Linz, Juan, ‘Opposition to and Under an Authoritarian Regime’, in Dahl, R. ed., Regimes and Oppositions, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973. p. 191.Google Scholar

5 See Linz, ibid., p. 185, where he described authoritarian regimes as those political systems which have limited responsibility, a degree of political pluralism, but without a guiding ideology or intensive or extensive mobilization of the populace and in which a leader exercises power within ill defined but predictable limits. Blondel, Jean, Comparing Political Systems, New York: Praeger, 1972. p. 222 Google Scholar which indicates that the aim of such systems is to re-establish the prominence of such past values as the family, church and authority. See also Almond, G. and Powell, G., Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach, Boston: Little Brown, 1966. pp. 271298.Google Scholar

6 Ionescu and Madariaga, op. cit., p. 140.

7 Coser, Lewis, ‘Prospects for New Nations: Totatarian, Authoritarian, or Democracy,’ ed. Coser, Lewis, Political Sociology. New York: Harper Torchbook, 1966, pp. 248271.Google Scholar

8 Almond and Powell, op. cit., p. 273.

9 See Expresso. 24 March 1973, p. I, which listed the political groups under Caetano to include civic associations, electoral commissions, quasi political associations and others. Under civic associations were the União National, SEDES, Causa Monarquaia, and the ANP; the electoral commisions were the opposition parties, the Commissão Democrata Eleitoral (CDE) and the Commissão Eliroral de Unidade Democrata (CEUD); the quasi-political groups included the Liga do Direito do Homen and Accão Socialista.

10 Linz, Juan, ‘An Authoritarian Regime: Spain’, in Allardt, E. and Littunen, Y., Cleavages, Ideologies and Party Systems, (Helsinki: Transactions of Westermarck Society, Vol. X, 1964), p. 325 Google Scholar where he emphasizes that the authoritarian systems laud respectability and expertise.

11 Henrique Santa Clara Gomes, Juventude Universidade Catolico (JUC); Manuel Belchior. Juventude Escola Catolico; João Salgueiro, JUC and former president of all the national Catholic Youth; Carlos Augusta de Almeida, Juventude Operario Catolico (JOC); and Manuel Ferreira and Sä Borges, (PRAGMA). In 1968 these groups were abolished by the government.

12 The deputies were Joaquim Pinto Machado, Joaquim Magalhäes Mota, Joaquim Macedo, Josä da Silva, Alberto Nogueira Lobo e Silva and Josö. Pinto Leite. The ministers were Rogerio Martins and Xavier Pintado, and the son of Caetano, Miguel de Barros Caetano. Francisco Sä Carneiro, the leader of the liberal faction within the National Assembly was also a participant in the early stratagem but it was felt that his name should not appear among the signatories because of his position in the National Assembly.

13 Among the six were Märio Bruxelas and Manuel de Almeida Bidavia.

14 Rul Vilar, E. and Sousa Gomes, A., SEDES: Dossier 70–72, Moraes; Lisbon, 1973, p. 24.Google Scholar

15 Ibid., p. 8.

16 Estatutos da SEDES. Ch. 1, Art. 2, Sec. 2.

17 Vilar and Gomes, op. cit., pp. 33–34.

18 SEDES was located on Rua Viriato 5–1 and had an annual budget of 200,000 escudos.

19 Interview with Magalhães Mota, 20 June 1973.

20 Expresso 17 March 1973 said that Caetano opened his government to Centre left technicians in his efforts to industrialize the country.

21 Linz, Westermarck, op. cit., P. 298.

22 Vida Mundial, 11 April 1973, p. 7.

23 Expresso, 5 May 1973, p. 2.

24 SEDES Constitution.

25 Interview with S Borges. 10 July 1973.

26 Interview with Märio Belchior.

27 Informação Interna, December 1971, No. 3, p. 50, where it was indicated that 50% of the members participated in work group activities.

28 Vilar and Gomes, op. cit., p. 171–190.

29 Ibid., pp. 128–149.

30 Ibid., pp. 107–201.

31 Interview Mario Bruxelas. 25 July 1973.

32 Op. cit., pp. 40–48.

33 Other panels were held on such subjects as cooperatives, immigration, population, banking, inflation, regional development, international economic affairs, and local politics.

34 Twenty meetings were held in Lisbon, 8 in Porto, 6 in Torres Vedras, 3 in Setubal, 2 in Covilha, I in Caldas da Rainha. and I in Lourinha.

35 Thirty-two separate newspaper accounts of colloquia were reported in Portuguese newspapers.

36 Expresso, 19 March 1973. p. 2.

37 Vilar and Gomes, op cit., pp. 253–355.

38 Ibid., pp. 257–315.

39 Informaλäo. Interno, July 1971, No. 2, p. 63, the censor called the words inopportune.

40 Interview with Marcelo Rebello de Sousa, godson of Marcello Cactano and member of SEDES, who told the writer that he no longer could discuss political issues with his father, the Minister of Corporations or his godfather Marcello Caetano.

41 Vilar and Gomes, op. cit., pp. 213–225.

42 Fischer, John, ‘Portugal Tries to Wake Up’, Harpers, 07, 1972, p. 16.Google Scholar

43 Expresso, 5 May 1973, p. 8 where Deputy Balsimäo indicated that the liberal deputies served the purpose of allowing the government to balance rightist representations with liberal views.