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German Foreign and Security Policy after Kohl and Kosovo

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2014

Steve Wood*
Affiliation:
University of Western Australia

Extract

What Does A Government New To Office Do When The Idealistic principles that guided its members in opposition face the hard realities of power? Recent German experience in the realm of foreign policy provides an instructive case study – not least because Germany's history in the first half of the twentieth century has created tremendous sensitivities in this sphere. Following a history of opposition to German military participation in actions beyond the NATO area, the parties of Germany's political left were immediately confronted with the need to make decisions on foreign and security policy when they were elected to govern in 1998. Pacifist principles or aspirations proved unsustainable in practice, and a policy consistent with that pursued by the outgoing conservative-liberal coalition was adopted. The new government developed a pragmatic foreign policy, incorporating the use of military means, notwithstanding the existence of a domestic political culture suspicious of the employment of military force.

Type
Original Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Government and Opposition Ltd 2002

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References

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2 On the post-Kohl era cf. Helms, Ludger, ‘Is there Life after Kohl? The CDU Crisis and the Future of Party Democracy in Germany’, Government and Opposition, 35:4 (2000), pp. 419–38.Google Scholar

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6 In the earlier 1990s, SPD foreign and security policy expert Karsten Voigt, one of few in the party, found himself ‘defamed as a militarist and warmonger’ for advocating Germany’s equal participation with its NATO allies. His policy orientation later became the official line. Perger, Werner, ‘Der Lernprozeβ’, Die Zeit, 18 06 1998, p. 4.Google Scholar

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23 R. C. Meier-Walser, ‘Die Grünen und die Außenpolitik Deutschlands’, op. cit.

24 ‘Die Republik dauerhaft verãndern’, Der Spiegel, 41, 5 October 1998, pp. 28–9.

25 As argued by Christoph Bertram, continuity cannot include vacillation, to which the previous government was not immune. The direction should remain steady but imperatives and opportunities must be grasped and foreign policy ‘shaped’ not merely ‘administered’. Christoph Bertram, ‘Selbsbewußt auf dunnen Eis’, Die Zeit, 1 October 1998, p. 6.

26 Interview with the author, Munich, 2000.

27 ‘Wer redet von Neuanfang?’, Die Zeit, 17 June 1999, p. 3.

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31 Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, Beschluβ der 2. Auβerordentlich Bundesdelegiertenkon-ferenz, Bielefeld, 13 May 1999. (My translation; emphasis added.)

32 J. Duffield, ‘Political Culture and State Behavior’, op. cit., pp. 768, 770, 781, 787, 792.

33 Cf. Beck, Robert J., Arend, Anthony Clark and Vander Lugt, Robert D. (eds), International Rules: Approaches from International Law and International Relations , New York, Oxford University Press, 1996 Google Scholar; Wendt, Alexander, Social Theory of International Politics , Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also ‘Forum on Social Theory ofInternational Politics’, Review of International Studies, 26:1 (2000), pp. 123–80 especially the contributions from Stephen Krasner, Steve Smith and Robert Keohane.

34 J. Duffield, ‘Political Culture and State Behavior’, op. cit., pp. 770, 779.

35 Maull, Hanns W., ‘German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo: Still a “Civilian Power?”‘, German Politics, 9:2 (08 2000), pp. 124 Google Scholar. Here pp. 3, 5, 8–9.

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37 Theo Sommer, ‘Ernstfall Frieden’, Die Zeit, 17 June 1999, p. 5.

38 Schmidt-Hãuer, Christian, ‘Europa in der Feuerprobe’, Die Zeit, 13, 28 03 2001 Google Scholar; Klaus-Dieter Frankenberger and Matthias Rüb, ‘Keine Aussicht auf Waffenstillstand in Tetovo. Fischer: Die albanische Frage ist offen’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 22 March 2001; Pitt von Bebenburg, ‘Pazifisten greifen Berlin an’, and Rolf Paasch ‘Lernprozess auf dem Balkan’, Frankfurter Rundschau, 24 March 2001.

39 Joschka Fischer cited in H. W. Maull, ‘German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo’, op. cit., p. 7.

40 J. Duffield, ‘Political Culture and State Behavior’, op. cit., pp. 788–89.

41 Jörg Lau, ‘Bomben sind Feige’, Die Zeit, 17 June 1999, p. 12; H. W. Maull, ‘German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo’, pp. 10–11, op. cit.

42 Jeffery, Charlie and Handl, Vladimir, Germany and Europe after Kohl: Between Social Democracy and Normalisation , discussion paper 11, Institute for German Studies, Birmingham, 1999 Google Scholar. It is interesting that (covering more than foreign policy) their study’s conception is ‘post-Kohl’ while Maull’s is ‘post-Kosovo’. Maull’s account also comprises an extensive engagement with the domestic political context.

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44 Ibid., p. 13, pp. 109–13.

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49 See, e.g. United Nations Security Council, Press Releases SC/6657, 24 March 1999 and SC/6659, 26 March 1999.

50 C. Jeffery and V. Handl, Germany and Europe after Kohl, op. cit., pp. 28–39.

51 As a coincidental aside, the continuity, and the irony, in German politics even extended to Kohl, Fischer and the Greens’ — former revolutionary pacifist — Environment Minister, Jiirgen Trittin, simultaneously being foci of attention for varying, allegedly illegal activities.