Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
Legitimate political opposition constitutes a key component of any form of liberal democracy, which has, however, received surprisingly scant attention in the more recent political science literature. In an attempt to revitalize the debate about the various forms of political opposition, this paper starts with distinguishing five different ways or models of institutionalizing political opposition in liberal democratic systems. It goes on to look at how these different models have worked in the constitutional practice of selected western democracies. In the second part of this article, the focus is on the possible lessons that constitution-makers in democratizing countries could draw from this experience. Whereas there is no best model of opposition in general, some models would seem to be better suited to meet the particular needs of new democracies than others.
I would like to thank Arend Lijphart for encouraging me to present my thoughts, some of which have first been developed elsewhere, to a wider English-language readership, and Tim Büthe and Wilfried Swenden for their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Thanks are also due to the two anonymous referees and the editors of this journal for their helpful suggestions. The usual disclaimer applies.
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10 Robert A. Dahl, ‘Some Explanations’, in R. Dahl (ed.), Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1966, pp. 348–52.
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23 Arguably the most famous case in point, to be found in another established western democracy, relates to the spectacular 1993 Canadian general election. Then, the role of the official ‘Opposition’ fell into the hands of the Bloc Québecois, a separatist newcomer party, which received fewer votes than two of the three other opposition parties. See Erickson, Lynda, ‘The October 1993 Election and the Canadian Party System’, Party Politics, 1: 1 (1995), pp. 133–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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39 This is why in the more recent literature many authors prefer to describe the Fifth French Republic and other ‘semi-presidential’ democracies as ‘parliamentary systems with presidential dominance’. See for instance Siaroff, Alan, ‘Comparative Presidencies: The Inadequacy of the Presidential, Semi-Presidential and Parliamentary Distinction’, European Journal of Political Research, 42: 3 (2003), p. 307.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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42 They were used just once in 1961, and the criticism that followed was apt to underline their exceptional character. See Maurice Duverger, Le système politique français. Droit constitutionnel et science politique, 21st edn, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1996, p. 517.
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55 A different procedure applies to the so-called ‘pocket veto’ which allows the president to prevent a bill, passed within ten days of adjournment of a session, from becoming law by simply not signing it. In contrast to such cases involving the ‘normal’ presidential veto, Congress cannot override a ‘pocket veto’. The bill must be reintroduced when Congress comes back into session and passed anew for it to be reconsidered.
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60 The most up-to-date overview on the various devices mentioned can be found in Roger H. Davidson and Walter J. Oleszek, Congress and Its Members, 9th edn, Washington, DC, Congressional Quarterly Press, 2004. More recently, especially, the senatorial process of scrutiny has come to be considered a matter of concern in terms of the very significant time costs of the procedure. See on this G. Calvin Mackenzie (ed.), special issue of The Brookings Review, 19: 2 (2001).
61 Polsby, ‘Political Opposition in the United States’, op. cit., p. 513. As the more recent experience suggests, there is in fact a very strong political element in the decision of Congress to impeach the president. In a survey, published at the height of the impeachment of President Clinton, no less than 78 per cent of American citizens felt that this impeachment was more about politics than about the investigation of possible crimes. See National Journal, 20 February 1999, p. 501.
62 Polsby, ‘Political Opposition in the United States’, op. cit., pp. 519–20.
63 Anthony King, ‘Distrust of Government: Explaining American Exceptionalism’, in Susan J. Pharr and Robert D. Putnam (eds), Disaffected Democracies. What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries?, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2000, pp. 91–5.
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65 See Eric Schickler, ‘Congress’, in Gillian Peele et al. (eds), Developments in American Politics 4, London, Macmillan, 2002, p. 108.
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69 Many of the legislative measures that Bush supported explicitly in public were among those that had been initiated by Congress rather than by himself. Moreover, the number of floor votes on which Bush took a clear position was very small, especially in 2002. See John Cochran, ‘Bush Readies Strategies for Legislative Success in 2003’, Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 14 December 2002, pp. 3235–58.
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73 For an overview see Wolf Linder, ‘Direkte Demokratie’, in Ulrich Klöti et al. (eds), Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, Zürich, Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 1999, pp. 109–30.
74 Historically, the Liberals were the only governing party. In 1891 the Catholic branch of the then conservative opposition was co-opted into the government; the Swiss People's Party followed in 1929. The Social Democrats, finally, joined the government for the first time in 1943.
75 Leonhard Neidhart, Die politische Schweiz. Fundamente und Institutionen, Zürich, Verlag Neue Züricher Zeitung, 2002, pp. 343–51. Since 1959, with the exception of the Swiss People's Party which has held just one seat, all other governing parties have controlled two seats in the federal executive.
76 Kris W. Kobach, The Referendum: Direct Democracy in Switzerland, Aldershot, Dartmouth, 1993, p. 161.
77 Yannis Papadopoulos, ‘How Does Direct Democracy Matter? The Impact of Referendum Votes on Politics and Policy-Making’, in Jan-Erik Lane (ed.), The Swiss Labyrinth. Institutions, Outcomes and Redesign, London, Cass, 2001, p. 49.
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85 This is both due to the enlarged complexity of many issues and the considerably increased ‘longevity’ of outcomes of many legislative decisions, especially in such areas as environmental or energy policy, or the reform of the social security systems. See Dietrich Herzog, ‘Der Funktionswandel des Parlaments in der sozialstaatlichen Demokratie’, in Dietrich Herzog et al. (eds), Parlament und Gesellschaft. Eine Funktionsanalyse der repräsentativen Demokratie, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1993, pp. 13–52.
86 As a ‘realistic’ perspective reveals, however, the constitutional doctrine of ‘parliamentary sovereignty’ has been gradually undermined for many decades with more recent chapters of this process focusing on the growing role of the mass media and the changing nature of a ‘Europeanized’ system of ‘judicial review’. See Peter Riddell, Parliament under Blair, London, Politico's Publishing, 2000, pp. 160–3, 227–32; Gillian Peele, ‘The Law and the Constitution’, in Patrick Dunleavy et al. (eds), Developments in British Politics 6, London, Macmillan, 2000, pp. 78–80.
87 See for instance Larry Diamond, Developing Democracy. Toward Consolidation, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999, pp. 161–217; Detlef Pollack et al. (eds), Political Culture in Post-Communist Europe. Attitudes in New Democracies, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2003.
88 Article 67 of the German Basic Law stipulates that a chancellor (and his government) can only be voted out of office if a majority of the members of the Bundestag simultaneously elects a successor.
89 David P. Conradt, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, in Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba (eds), The Civic Culture Revisited, Boston, Little, Brown, 1980, pp. 212–72.
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92 That is why many of those scholars of German politics who have argued in favour of an introduction of some direct democratic devices at the federal level, suggest a careful reconsideration of the powers of the Bundesrat. See Helms, Politische Opposition, op. cit., pp. 190–1.
93 For a comparative assessment of ‘divided government’ scenarios under different constitutional conditions see Robert Elgie (ed.), Divided Government in Comparative Perspective, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001.
94 For a detailed overview see David Butler and Austin Ranney (eds), Referendums around the World. The Growing Use of Direct Democracy, London, Macmillan, 1994.
95 Pier Vincenzo Uleri, ‘Italy: Referendums and Initiatives from the Origins to the Crisis of a Democratic Regime’, in Michael Gallagher and Pier Vincenzo Uleri (eds), The Referendum Experience in Europe, London, Macmillan, 1996, pp. 106–25.
96 See B. Guy Peters, Institutional Theory in Political Science. The ‘New Institutionalisms’, London, Pinter, 1999.