Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
This article examines the role played by national history in generating and sustaining the popularity of British Eurosceptic arguments. The core argument advanced is that the modernist approach to history prevalent among British historians and the society in which they work has to be considered the key reason for Euroscepticism retaining such a popular appeal in Britain. The overly reverential attitude to recent martial history on the part of the British, and an almost total neglect of the peacetime dimensions of modern European history since 1945, both serve to exaggerate the tendency in the country to fall back on glib images of Britain as a great power with a ‘special relationship’ across the Atlantic and Europe as a hostile ‘other’ to be confronted rather than engaged with constructively.
2 The workshop took place on 21–2 May 2004 at the European Union Center at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University, New York. Papers were delivered by Paul Taggart and Aleks Szczerbiak, Leonard Ray, Christopher Andersen and Braden Smith, Oliver Daddow, Robert Dewey, Charles Lees, Craig Parsons, Christopher Flood, Nick Sitter and Nicole Lindstrom.Google Scholar
3 An issue that emerged from the workshop paper by Paul Taggart and Aleks Szczerbiak, ‘Supporting the Union? Euroscepticism and Domestic Politics of Integration’.Google Scholar
4 Taggart and Szczerbiak, ‘Supporting the Union?’, p. 23.Google Scholar
5 Young, H., This Blessed Plot: Britain and Europe from Churchill to Blair, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1998, p. 3.Google Scholar
6 A phrase coined in 1990 by Stephen George, An Awkward Partner: Britain in the European Community, New York, Oxford University Press, 1990.Google Scholar
7 John Young, dates the switch in Britain's policy towards continental schemes for integration from benevolent neutrality to active opposition to them in the period 1955–58, when Whitehall developed ‘Plan G’ for a Free Trade Area across Europe. In Europe this seemed like a blatant attempt to kill the EEC at birth. Mistrust of London's goals with respect to integration has been a major feature of the historiography of Britain's relationship with Europe since.Google Scholar Young, John W., Britain and European Unity, 1945–1999, 2nd edn, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2000, p. 217 Google Scholar. For analysis of the historiography of this era see Daddow, Oliver J., Britain and Europe Since 1945: Historiographic Perspectives on Integration, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2004, pp. 157–84.Google Scholar
8 Attitudes to Europe obviously influence, and are obviously influenced by, attitudes to America. The American dimension of Euroscepticism will not be considered in this paper, but for a critical deconstruction of the myth of the special relationship as it pertains to the Europe question see Daddow, Oliver J., ‘America, Britain and European Integration: Exposing the Cracks in the “Special Relationship”’, in Agnès Alexandre-Collier (ed.), La ‘Relation Spéciale’ Royaume-Uni/Etats-Unis: Entre mythe et réalité, Nantes, Éditions du Temps, 2002, pp. 66–82.Google Scholar
9 I would also include in this category the Sun but for reasons of space I have decided not to explore any of the many potential articles here. One such is an article by George Pascoe-Watson on the Constitution, published in the Sun in April 2004, where he compared the EU project with a Napoleonic drive by the French to unite Europe, which I examined in my paper to the Syracuse workshop, ‘The Politics of European Discourse in Britain’.Google Scholar
10 Anthony Forster, Euroscepticism in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition to Europe in the British Conservative and Labour Parties since 1945, London, Routledge, 2002, p. 116.Google Scholar
11 Ibid., p. 71.Google Scholar
12 Aleks Szczerbiak and Paul Taggart, ‘Opposing Europe: Party Systems and Opposition to the Union, the Euro and Europeanisation’, SEI Working Paper 36, Opposing Europe Research Network Working Paper 1, October 2000, p. 5 and also p. 10. See also Leonard Ray, ‘Mainstream Euroscepticism: Trend or Oxymoron’, paper presented to the Comparative Euroscepticism Workshop, Syracuse University, 21–2 May 2004, pp. 3–6.Google Scholar
13 The latter category is in turn split in two for the purposes of analysis: ‘policy euroscepticism’ and ‘national-interest’ Euroscepticism. ‘Policy interest Euroscepticism’ entails ‘opposition to measures designed to deepen significantly European political and economic integration and is expressed in terms of opposition to specific extensions of EU competencies’, while ‘national interest Euroscepticism’‘involves employing the rhetoric of defending or standing up for “the national interest” in the context of the internal debates within the EU’, Ibid., pp. 6–7.Google Scholar
14 Taggart and Szczerbiak, ‘Supporting the Union?’, p. 4. Emphasis in original.Google Scholar
15 Forster, Euroscepticism. For a succinct analysis of his core arguments, see Forster, Anthony, ‘Anti-Europeans, Anti-Marketeers and Eurosceptics: The Evolution and Influence of Labour and Conservative Opposition to Europe’, Political Quarterly, 73: 3 (July 2002), pp. 299–308;CrossRefGoogle Scholar299–301.
16 Translated: ‘Euroscepticism indicates therefore a particular attitude, which fluctuates between simple hesitancy and open hostility towards Europe’. Agnès Alexandre-Collier, La Grande-Bretagne Eurosceptique?: L’enjeu Europeén dans le débat politique Britannique, Nantes, Éditions du Temps, 2002, p. 8.Google Scholar
17 The same goes for expressions of sympathy for the integration project and/or specific elements of it, variously called ‘Europhilia’, ‘Euroenthusiasm’ or ‘pro- Europeanism’. This phenomenon is not the focus of this article and I will not devote as much attention to it as a consequence, but I will briefly take up the definitional problems with these words below before analysing the contrasting uses of history by sceptics and enthusiasts.Google Scholar
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19 See also publications such as Booker, Christopher and North, Richard, The Castle of Lies: Why Britain Must Get Out of Europe, London, Duckworth, 1996, pp. 203–15.Google Scholar
20 Daily Telegraph, 24 August 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar
21 The overlap between domestic politics and the conduct of British European policy comes through strongly in David Baker, ‘The Shotgun Marriage: Managing Eurosceptical Opinion in British Political Parties 1972–2002’, paper presented at the 8th EUSA Biannual International Conference, 28 March 2003.Google Scholar
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23 Daily Mail, 9 December 2000, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar
24 See the ‘Britain and the EU’ section of the Guardian Unlimited, .Google Scholar
25 Quoted in Wilkes, George and Wring, Dominic, ‘The British Press and Integration’, in David Baker and David Seawright (eds), Britain For and Against Europe: British Politics and the Question of European Integration, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1998, pp. 185–205; 197–8.Google Scholar
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27 ‘Perhaps Whitehall keeps tests and conditions on its mantelpiece, like cooks keep jelly moulds, there to be used for any purpose’, Baroness Williams of Crosby, foreword to Oliver J. Daddow (ed.), Harold Wilson and European Integration: Britain's Second Application to Join the EEC, London, Frank Cass, 2003, pp. x–xiii; xi.Google Scholar
28 On Monnet, Camps and the historiographical legacy bequeathed by the ‘founding fathers’ see Daddow, Britain and Europe, pp. 70–6 and 91–5.Google ScholarPubMed
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30 Taken up in Gillingham, John, European Integration 1950–2003: Superstate or New Market Economy?, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 16–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
31 For a fuller treatment of the federalist and other ideological weight behind ‘missed opportunities’ interpretation, see Daddow, Britain and Europe.Google Scholar
32 The Times, 24 November 2001, p. 6. For a full transcript of the speech see . See also his interview on BBC 2's Newsnight, 15 May 2002, an edited transcript of which is on the Foreign Office's website, .Google Scholar
33 Nora Beloff, ‘What Happened in Britain after the General said No’, in Pierre Uri (ed.), From Commonwealth to Common Market, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1968, pp. 51–88; 73.Google Scholar
34 Perhaps the most significant work in this respect, certainly one of the most often cited, was by the American diplomat Miriam Camps, published in the aftermath of Charles de Gaulle's first veto on Britain joining the EEC: Britain and the European Community 1955–63, London, Oxford University Press, 1964.Google Scholar
35 Alice Prochaska in Juliet Gardiner (ed.), The History Debate, London, Collins and Brown, 1990, pp. 103–7; 103.Google Scholar
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38 Forster, Euroscepticism, p. 51. Bryant was apparently the favourite historian of Winston Churchill, Clement Attlee and Harold Wilson. How did this impact on their worldview and their European policies? Anne Deighton, ‘The Past in the Present: British Imperial Memories and the European Question’, in Jan-Werner Muller (ed.), Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of the Past, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 100–20; 103.Google Scholar
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46 Paxman, Jeremy, Friends in High Places: Who Runs Britain?, London, Penguin, 1991, p. 243.Google Scholar
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50 For a compelling overview of the history industry, without calling it that, see Ludmilla Jordanova, History in Practice, London, Arnold, 2000.Google Scholar
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53 For instance Richard J. Evans, In Defence of History, 2nd edn, London, Granta, 2000.Google Scholar
54 An opinion confirmed in the study of disciplinary cultures by Tony Becher and Paul R. Trowler, Academic Tribes and Territories, 2nd edn, Buckingham, Society for Research into Higher Education and Open University Press, 2001.Google Scholar
55 Daddow, Oliver J., ‘The Ideology of Apathy: Historians and Postmodernism’, Rethinking History, 8: 3 (20043), pp. 437–57.Google Scholar
56 Michael Portillo writing in the Daily Mail, 31 December 2001, p. 22, in an article containing much of the sceptical discourse explored in this chapter, and Ashley Mote, Vigilance: A Defence of British Liberty, Petersfield, Tanner Publishing, 2001, p. 49.Google Scholar
57 On recent national and European efforts to bring a Europeanist flavour to British education see Daddow, Britain and Europe, pp. 24–5.Google Scholar
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59 Marcussen et al., p. 116.Google Scholar