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Politics and constitutional jurisgenesis: A cautionary note on political constitutionalism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 March 2018

MING-SUNG KUO*
Affiliation:
School of Law, University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL

Abstract:

This article aims to provide an alternative account of political constitutionalism by situating it in a broader process of constitutional politics than the traditional court vs parliament debate has suggested. Drawing upon Robert Cover’s distinction between the jurispathic and the jurisgenerative constitution, I argue that parliamentary decision-making is not necessarily more congenial to a jurisgenerative constitutional order than judicial review as political constitutionalists contend. I trace the jurispathic character of current scholarship on political constitutionalism to the presupposition of institutional sovereignty in a narrow understanding of constitutional politics, which its defenders share in common with the supporters of judicial supremacy. To move towards a robust version of non-court-centred jurisgenerative constitutionalism, which I call constitutional jurisgenesis, we need to rethink the place of politics in a constitutional order. From Cover’s idea of constitutional nomos I take two further lessons for this new understanding of constitutional politics. First, constitutional theory should reconsider the role of institutional sovereignty in the relationship between law and politics in constitutional orders. Second, to engage the people in constitutional politics, we need to shift attention from the popular sovereignty-centred debate to constitutional narratives, which are oriented towards nomos-building.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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References

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41 See ibid 49–50.

42 Cover suggested that not only the state but also communities and movements are the object of legitimisation through constitutionalism. See ibid 68. On this view, ‘[l]egal meaning becomes a “potential restraint on [any] arbitrary power and violence”’. Ibid.

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62 Resnik (n 8) 34–5; Sarat (n 44) 261.

63 See Cover (n 7) 54.

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66 Ibid 54.

67 Ibid.

68 Ibid 59 (emphasis added).

69 461 US 574 (1983).

70 See Johnson, O, ‘The Story of Bob Jones University v. United States (1983): Race, Religion, and Congress’ Extraordinary Acquiescence’ in Eskridge, WN et al. (eds), Statutory Interpretation Stories (Foundation Press, New York, NY, 2010) 126Google Scholar.

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81 Post (n 8) 14–5; Resnik (n 30) 27–34. See also Soifer (n 29) 76–7.

82 From the perspective of intellectual history, Dieter Grimm notes that the debate surrounding the evolutionary concept of sovereignty has been intertwined with its conceptual bearer and institutional holder. Grimm, D, Sovereignty: The Origin and Future of a Political and Legal Concept (trans Cooper, B, Columbia University Press, New York, 2015) 3351Google Scholar. In the context of constituent power, Martin Loughlin also critiques attempts to institutionalise sovereignty. Loughlin, M, ‘The Concept of Constituent Power’ (2014) 23 European Journal of Political Theory 218, 233–4Google Scholar. See also Kuo, M-S, ‘Discovering Sovereignty in Dialogue: Is Judicial Dialogue the Answer to Constitutional Conflict in the Pluralist Legal Landscape?’ (2013) 26 Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 341, 343CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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97 Political constitutionalists have come to terms with rights-based review, at least in its weak form, for different reasons. For example, Tomkins embraces HRA to prevent the constitutional order from moving further in the direction of legal constitutionalism. He is concerned that rights-based review may become even more exacting with the judge turning to common law constitutionalism if HRA is rescinded. See ibid 2281–2. In contrast, Bellamy welcomes HRA for its weak-form judicial review. Bellamy, R, ‘Political Constitutionalism and the Human Rights Act’ (2011) 9 International Journal of Constitutional Law 86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 To reveal the centrality of institutional sovereignty in political constitutionalism (as well as legal constitutionalism), for the present purposes I shall leave aside the political constitutionalist claim that all the supporters of judicial review of parliamentary legislation presume the existence and discoverability of the correct answer to constitutional questions. For a justification of judicial review without this epistemic premise, see Michelman, FI, ‘IDA’s Way: Constructing the Respect-Worthy Governmental System’ (2003) 72 Fordham Law Review 345Google Scholar.

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100 Ibid 139.

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104 Although petition and litigation appear to be functionally distinct actions to the modern eye, both were part of the various functions the parliament once attained. See Tomkins, A, Public Law (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003) 90–7Google Scholar. It is also noteworthy that the post-bellum experience in the US suggests that with the support structures such as cause lawyering, litigation can be more accessible than vote to the less privileged groups. Graber, M, ‘Resolving Political Questions into Judicial Questions: Tocqueville’s Thesis Revisited’ (2004) 21 Constitutional Commentary 485, 538Google Scholar.

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106 One of the foremost theoretical accounts of the compensatory role of judicial review in this regard is John Ely’s representation-reinforcing model of judicial review. Ely, JH, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1980)Google Scholar.

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118 Bellamy (n 6) 2. Cf Scott (n 107) 2169–70.

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125 Bellamy (n 6) 201–7.

126 5 US (1 Cranch) 137, 137 (1803).

127 Ibid 166.

128 Cooper v Aaron, 358 US 1 (1958) illustrates this development. As a sequel to the great desegregation case, Brown v Board of Education (also known as Brown I, 347 US 483 (1954)), Cooper interpreted Marbury v Madison as ‘declar[ing] the basic principle that the federal judiciary is supreme in the exposition of the law of the Constitution’ and further inferred that ‘the interpretation of [the Constitution] enunciated by this Court … is the supreme law of the land’. Cooper, 358 US at 18. See also Kuo (n 82) 351–6.

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139 See Bobbitt (n 19) 11–22.

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144 E.g., ‘Supplemental Brief of Amici Curiae Representatives Chris van Hollen, David Price, Michael Castle, and John Lewis in Support of Appellee’ in Citizens United v FEC, 558 US 310 (2010) (calling for the Court to uphold federal legislation on campaign finance on the basis of judicial restraint, inter alia); ‘Brief of Thirty-Seven Scholars of Federalism and Judicial Restraint as Amici Curiae in Support of Petitioners’ in Hollingsworth v Perry, 570 US ___ ; 133 S Ct 2652 (2013) (urging the Court not to grant certiorari to let the decision upholding California’s constitutional ban on same-sex marriage stand).

145 See Sunstein (n 73) 28–32.

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147 See Posner (n 133) 535–8; Smith (n 143).

148 Somek (n 130) 60 (emphasis added).

149 See Posner (n 133) 533–50.

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151 See ibid 390.

152 Cf ibid 391–406.

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156 Obergefell v Hodges, 576 US ___ (2015), which invalidates marriage discrimination based on sexual orientation, is the most recent example. See also Eskridge (n 153).

157 Roe v Wade, 410 US 113 (1973) legalised abortion but reaction to it continues. See also Post and Siegel (n 150) 406–24. In contrast, the Court declared school segregation unconstitutional in Brown I but its implementation was carried out amid political reaction and civil rights movement. See also Klarman (n 153) 344–442.

158 See Post and Siegel (n 150) 382–5.

159 See Ackerman (n 110).

160 See ibid.

161 See Morgan, ES, Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (WW Norton and Co, New York, NY, 1988)Google Scholar

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166 See Post and Siegel (n 150).

167 See Habermas (n 8) 463–90.

168 See Loughlin and Walker (eds) (n 162).

169 See Kahn and Brennan-Marquez (n 140) 173–7.

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175 E.g., Bechhofer, F and McCrone, D (eds), National Identity, Nationalism and Constitutional Change (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

176 See Cohen, M, ‘When Judges Have Reasons Not to Give Reasons: A Comparative Law Approach’ (2015) 72 Washington and Lee Law Review 483, 496513Google Scholar.

177 Cf Habermas (n 8) 111.

178 See Robertson, D, The Judge as Political Theorist: Contemporary Constitutional Review (Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 2010) 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

179 See Bickel (n 136) 68–71.

180 See Kahn (n 164) 190–6.

181 See Kramer (n 131) 162–4; Post and Siegel (n 150) 427; Robertson (n 178) 382; Waldron, J, ‘Partly Laws Common to All Mankind’: Foreign Law in American Courts (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 2012) 100–8, 220–3Google Scholar.

182 Cf Smith (n 173) 135–54.

183 Ibid 44.

184 See Faigman, DL, Constitutional Fictions: A Unified Theory of Constitutional Facts (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008) 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

185 See Brooks, P, ‘The Law as Narrative and Rhetoric’ in Brooks, P and Gewirtz, P (eds), Law’s Stories: Narrative and Rhetoric in Law (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1996) 14, 16Google Scholar.

186 See Balkin, JM, ‘A Night in the Topics: The Reason of Legal Rhetoric and the Rhetoric of Legal Reason’ in Brooks and Gewirtz (eds) (n 185) 211; LH LaRue, Constitutional Law as Fiction: Narrative in the Rhetoric of Authority (Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA, 1995) 2–3Google Scholar, 11. Cf Kahn, PW, Making the Case: The Art of the Judicial Opinion (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 2016) 1845CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

187 See Yoshino, K, ‘The City and the Poet’ (2005) 114 Yale Law Journal 1835, 1836–37, 1841–59Google Scholar.

188 Ibid 1858–68.

189 Ibid 1864. It is also noteworthy that narrative here is more than storytelling. Rather, constitutional narratives are structured and constrained by what Frederick Schauer calls ‘the uniqueness of constitutional language’, especially its ‘presuppositional nature’. See Schauer, F, ‘An Essay on Constitutional Language’ (1982) 29 UCLA Law Review 797, 803–4. Cf von Arnauld (n 77) 317Google Scholar.

190 Cf M Minow, ‘Stories in Law’ in Brooks and Gewirtz (eds) (n 185) 24, 30.

191 See LaRue (n 186) 21.

192 See Kahn (n 164) 171–2.

193 See Faigman (n 184) 1; LaRue (n 186) 9–10.

194 But see Faigman (n 184) 3–13.

195 See ibid 46–8, 51–6.

196 Compare Faigman (n 184) 49 with LaRue (n 186) 125–7. See also von Arnauld (n 77) 324–5.

197 See Schwöbel, CEJ, ‘Situating the Debate on Global Constitutionalism’ (2010) 8 International Journal of Constitutional Law 611, 615–25, 629CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

198 See Hovell, D, ‘Due Process in the United Nations’ (2016) 110 American Journal of International Law 1, 829CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

199 Somek (n 130) 196–201.

200 Soifer (n 29) 75–6. But see Post (n 8) 10.

201 Soifer (n 29) 79–80.