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Global legal pluralism as fact and norm
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 June 2013
Abstract
This article interrogates the intellectual foundations of global legal pluralism as a descriptive and normative position, and assesses its core claims with reference to the changing status of individuals in the postnational realm. In order to uncover the normative core of the pluralist position, the article turns to the rich tradition of value pluralism in political philosophy, particularly as articulated by Isaiah Berlin. It argues that as a normative position, pluralism – whether applied to the abstract sphere of values or the concrete realm of legal regimes – is normatively underdetermined, offering too little guidance as to how the conflicts endemic to a pluralistic world ought to be resolved. Unless it is supplemented by other, more substantive principles of political legitimacy such as democracy, freedom, equality, or justice, the principle of pluralism applied to the global legal realm is poised to reproduce, even exacerbate, existing inequalities of power and resources among those whom it affects.
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References
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22 Ibid 136.
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47 The literature that focuses on the liminal interactions (or ‘plate tectonics’, to borrow an apposite metaphor from Bjørn Kunoy and Anthony Dawes, ‘Plate Tectonics in Luxembourg: The ménage à trois between EC Law, International Law and the European Convention on Human Rights following the UN Sanctions Cases’ (2009) 46 Common Market Law Review 73–104) between global legal regimes often goes under the title ‘constitutional pluralism’, as distinct from mere legal pluralism. In this article, I consider the latter rather than the former, first because legal pluralism is more capacious than constitutional pluralism insofar as it allows for the study of orders which, while having a fair claim to be ‘law’, might nevertheless be of a qualitatively distinct nature from constitutional law. Second, the more general term allows us to leave open highly contentious questions about whether a given regime qualifies as ‘constitutional’ in any conceptually rigorous sense. Last, as Christina Eckes explains in her contribution to the present volume, instances of constitutional pluralism count as ‘extreme’ cases of legal pluralism, whereas the reverse relation does not obtain. Therefore, the more general term allows us to make finer distinctions as necessary within the context of substantive analysis. Key contributions to the debate on constitutional pluralism include Cohen, Globalization and Sovereignty (n 2); M Kumm, ‘The Cosmopolitan Turn in Constitutionalism: On the Relationship between Constitutionalism in and beyond the State’ in Dunoff and Trachtman, Ruling the World? (n 2); Kumm, M, ‘The Jurisprudence of Constitutional Conflict: Constitutional Supremacy in Europe before and after the Constitutional Treaty’ (2005) 11 European Law Journal 262–307CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Maduro, ‘Contrapunctual Law’ (n 2); Maduro, ‘Courts and Pluralism’ (n 2); Walker, ‘The Idea of Constitutional Pluralism’ (n 2); Avbelj, M and Komárek, J, ‘Four Visions of Constitutional Pluralism’ (2008) 2 European Journal of Legal Studies 325–70.Google Scholar
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58 Ibid 2.
59 Ibid 49.
60 Ibid 2.
John Kekes gives a more expansive definition of incommensurability as ‘the denial of (1) a summum bonum, (2) the fungibility of values, and (3) a canonical principle for ranking values’. Kekes, The Morality of Pluralism (n 50) 56. For other accounts of incommensurability, see Williams, Moral Luck (n 50) 77; Raz, The Morality of Freedom (n 50) ch 13.
61 Crowder, Liberalism and Value Pluralism (n 50) 7.
62 Berlin, ‘The Pursuit of the Ideal’ (n 3) 13.
63 Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 30.
64 Kekes, The Morality of Pluralism (n 50) 160.
65 Newey, cited in Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 30.
66 I Berlin, ‘Does Political Theory Still Exist?’, in Berlin, The Proper Study of Mankind (n 3) 66. Berlin’s definition of ‘monism’ is not to be confused with the traditional legal theory sense of that term, which views ‘international and domestic law as together constituting a single legal system,’ as opposed to ‘dualism,’ which views ‘international law as a discrete legal system’ whose domestic effects are conditioned by domestic constitutional law or statute. See Henkin, L, ‘The Constitution and United States Sovereignty: A Century of Chinese Exclusion and Its Progeny’ (1987) 100 Harvard Law Review 853–86, 864.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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68 Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ (n 3) 241.
69 See, among others, Berlin, ‘The Decline of Utopian Ideas in the West’ (n 3); ‘The Pursuit of the Ideal’ (n 3); ‘Alleged Relativism in Eighteenth-Century European Thought’ (n 3); ‘Herder and the Enlightenment’ (n 3).
70 Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ (n 3) 241.
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85 Walker, ‘Beyond Boundary Disputes and Basic Grids’ (n 2).
86 Crowder, Liberalism and Value Pluralism (n 50) 2.
87 Ibid 4.
88 Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 5. According to Galston, pluralism, unlike relativism, admits of a ‘nonarbitrary distinction between good and bad or good and evil’ 30.
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91 Ibid.
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104 Ibid 199.
105 Ibid 207.
106 Ibid 209.
107 Kekes argues that value conflicts must be alleviated against the background norms and practices of a cohesive community and its traditions: given the pluralist’s rejection of any standard criteria by which to commensurate values, Kekes writes, ‘reasonable conflict-resolution is made possible by the traditions and conceptions of a good life to which people who face the conflicts adhere’. Kekes, Morality of Pluralism (n 50) 76.
108 Crowder, ‘Pluralism and Liberalism’ (n 51) 303. Crowder later retracted his strong claims that ‘value pluralism does not support liberalism’ and that ‘pluralism positively undermines any rational case for liberalism.’ However, he nevertheless remains unpersuaded by Berlin’s argument that pluralism generates support for liberalism, and seeks to bolster it with his virtue-based account of pluralism and liberalism. See Crowder, Liberalism and Value Pluralism (n 50) vii–viii, 185–213.
109 Rawls, Political Liberalism (n 92) 63–4.
110 In his essay ‘What is Enlightenment?’, Kant states this problem in dialectical form, characterizing it as ‘a strange and unexpected pattern in human affairs’ whereby
A high degree of civil freedom seems advantageous to a people’s intellectual freedom, yet it also sets up insuperable barriers to it. Conversely, a lesser degree of civil freedom gives intellectual freedom enough room to expand to its fullest extent. Thus once the germ on which nature has lavished most care—man’s inclination and vocation to think freely—has developed within this hard shell, it gradually reacts upon the mentality of the people, who thus gradually become increasingly able to act freely.
Kant, Political Writings (n 79) 59. Discounting Kant’s eighteenth-century reservations about a permissive regime of ‘intellectual freedom,’ we can nevertheless find the same concern in contemporary debates about limits of liberal toleration. Many commentators argue that liberal institutions require some form of self-defence against the corrosive effects of illiberal doctrines, whether in the form of hate speech legislation (Waldron), ‘gag rules’ (Holmes) or ‘constitutional patriotism’ (Habermas). To be sure, few liberals would advocate a ‘shell’ quite as ‘hard’ as the one Kant endorsed in the context of Frederick the Great’s Prussia!
111 Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 65.
112 M Koskenniemi, ‘Global Legal Pluralism: Multiple Regimes and Multiple Modes of Thought,’ Keynote Speech, delivered at Harvard University 5 March 2005, 15. On file with the author.
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115 Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 65.
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117 Galston, Liberal Pluralism (n 50) 66.
118 Ibid 66.
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124 For one such response, see Cohen, Globalization and Sovereignty (n 2), Cohen argues in favour of a global system of constitutional pluralism based on the dual principles of sovereign equality and fundamental human rights. She recognizes that in the absence of such an ordering principle, a radically pluralistic world of sovereign states is vulnerable to abuse, not least the abuse of sovereign prerogative for imperialist ends or gross violations of human rights.
125 For a constitutional theory that takes pluralism seriously as a central constitutional value, see Tully, Strange Multiplicity (n 78).
126 The phrase is borrowed from J Resnik, ‘Law’s Migration’ (2006) 115 Yale Law Journal and cited in P Schiff Berman, ‘Global Legal Pluralism’ (n 2) 1210.
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129 Maduro, We the Court (n 4) 9.
130 Hersch Lauterpacht is one of the earliest and most strident advocates of the idea that international law is coming to recognize ‘the individual as a subject of the law of nations’. See, especially, Lauterpacht, H, International Law and Human Rights (Archon Books, Hamden, CT, 1968 [1950]) 4; also, ch 2.Google Scholar
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134 For instance, multiple arbitral awards by the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes have elevated the rights of private investors over the policy decisions of the Argentine government in the face of a massive economic crisis and social unrest. See WW Burke-White, ‘The Argentine Financial Crisis: State Liability under BITs and the Legitimacy of the ICSID System’, Research Paper No 08-01 (University of Pennsylvania Institute for Law and Economics, 24 January 2008), available at <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1088837> accessed 31 March 2013.
135 G Shaffer, ‘Developing Country Use of the WTO Dispute Settlement System: Why It Matters, the Barriers Posed’, Legal Studies Research Paper Series No 08-50 (University of Minnesota Law School, 2009) 171–5.
136 Paulus, AL, ‘From Territoriality to Functionality? Towards a Legal Methodology of Globalization’ in Dekker, IF and Werner, WG (eds), Governance and International Legal Theory (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden/Boston, 2004) 75.Google Scholar
137 Koskenniemi, ‘The Fate of Public International Law’ (n 113) 8.
138 Goldstein, Kahler, Keohane and Slaughter, ‘Introduction: Legalization and World Politics’ (n 131) 387.
139 A far more contentious question concerns assessing the significance of regime pluralism. Sceptics continue to insist that the formal regimes and more diffuse bodies of ‘law-like’ norms highlighted by pluralists hardly amount to a qualitative shift in the nature of the international order, which in their view remains firmly subject to the authority of states and the principle of sovereignty that defines their interactions.
140 Tamanaha, ‘The Folly of the ‘Social Scientific’ Concept of Legal Pluralism’ (n 5) 194.
141 Plato, Republic, trans GMA Grube (Hackett, Indianapolis, 1992) 338c.
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