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A critical account of Ius Constitutionale Commune in Latin America: An intellectual map of contemporary Latin American constitutionalism
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 October 2021
Abstract
Ius Constitutionale Commune in Latin America (ICCAL) is an academic endeavour that attempts to provide an account of the original Latin American path of transformative constitutionalism, comprising elements from national, transnational and international legal orders, and where the law is placed at the service of the normative trinity of constitutionalism, namely the rule of law, democracy and human rights. In this regard, ICCAL speaks of an Inter-American law that represents a new legal phenomenon, in a region where constitutionalist ideas have allegedly claimed new traction. In this article, I develop two main critiques that can be deemed challenges for an academic project that is still ‘under construction’, and provide an intellectual map of Latin American constitutionalism that could address these critiques and serve as a roadmap for studying potential Latin American contributions to debates around global constitutionalism.
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- Research Article
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- © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press
References
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62 See Roux (n 55) 271.
63 See Roux (n 55) 271.
64 A critique shared by Carvalho and Villagrán. See (n 43) 1616.
65 See (n 16).
66 See (n 44) 44.
67 See (n 52) 105.
68 M Kumm, A Lang, J Tully and A Wiener, ‘How Large is the World of Global Constitutionalism?’ (2014) 3 Global Constitutionalism 1, 3.
69 See (n 4) 5.
70 See (n 20).
71 H Fix-Fierro, ‘Epílogo’, in A von Bogdandy et al (eds), Ius Constitutionale Commune en América Latina: Rasgos, potencialidades y desafíos (UNAM, Ciudad de México, 2014) 502; L García Jaramillo, ‘Variaciones en torno a la “interamericanización” del derecho. A propósito del Ius Constitutionale Commune’ (2016) 36 Araucaria 511, 516-8.
72 See (n 16).
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75 See Werneck (n 41) 372.
76 See (n 16).
77 A Dulitzky, ‘An Inter-American Constitutional Court? The Invention of the Conventionality Control by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ (2015) 50 Texas International Law Journal 46.
78 In this regard, I will exclude the study of currents such as conservative constitutionalism, which endorses a version of constitutional law as granting executive powers for a defence of a particular conception of the good or as a blockade against interventions in the social and economic structures. R Gargarella, ‘Towards a Typology of Latin American Constitutionalism, 1810–60’ (2004) 39 Latin American Research Review 141, 143. Accordingly, I will also exclude the study of the more recent emergence of right-wing populist constitutionalism. See J González-Jácome, ‘From Abusive Constitutionalism to a Multilayered Understanding of Constitutionalism: Lessons from Latin America’ (2017) 15 International Journal of Constitutional Law 447.
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80 See (n 43) 1616.
81 See (n 33).
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90 A von Bogdandy, ‘Comparative Constitutional Law as Social Science? A Hegelian Reaction to Ran Hirschl’s Comparative Matters’ (MPIL Research Paper Series, 2016), <https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2773738>.
91 See (n 43) 1613.
92 R Uprimny, ‘The Recent Transformation of Constitutional Law in Latin America: Trends and Challenges’ (2011) 89 Texas Law Review 1587.
93 See (n 33).
94 P Commanducci, ‘Modelos e Interpretación de la Constitución’, in M Carbonell (ed), Teoría del Neoconstitucionalismo (Trotta, Madrid, 2007) 52–53. The term makes sense only within Italo-Ibero-Latin American academic circles. J Fabra, ‘Una nota sobre el neoconstitucionalismo’, in J Fabra and L García Jaramillo (eds), Filosofía del Derecho Constitucional: Cuestiones Fundamentales (UNAM, Ciudad de México, 2015) 522.
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97 L Prieto Sanchis, ‘Notas sobre la Interpretacion Constitucional’ (1991) 9 Revista del Centro de Estudios Constitucionales 175, 176.
98 Constitutions irradiate their normative force to every part of the legal system, so there is no need to wait for the legal production of the legislature or the administration, and there is no space for ‘political question doctrines’. If constitutional rights are ‘optimization requirements’ that have a precise answer to a legal conflict (a rule, applicable to the case), then only judges have the final word. R Alexy, A Theory of Constitutional Rights (Oxford University Press, New York, 2002) 47.
99 A Alterio, ‘Corrientes del Constitucionalismo Contemporáneo a Debate’ (2014) 8 Problema, Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría del Derecho 227, 234.
100 According to Rodiles, ‘It is not quite clear when the discourse of Latin American neo-constitutionalism merged with that of ICCLA. In a way, one could say that as the discourse of neo-constitutionalism gained ground across the region, the consolidation of an ius commune in human rights and constitutional principles became the new aspiration of neo-constitutionalists.’ See (n 20) 506. See also Herrera (n 27).
101 J Melton and others, ‘To Codify or Not to Codify? Lessons from Consolidating the United Kingdom’s Constitutional Statutes’ (The Constitution Unit UCL, 2015), <http://constitutionnet.org/vl/item/codify-or-not-codify-lessons-consolidating-united-kingdoms-constitutional-statutes>.
102 L Hammergren, Envisioning Reform: Improving Judicial Performance in Latin America (Penn State University Press, University Park, PA, 2007).
103 Brinks, D, ‘“A Tale of Two Cities”: The Judiciary and the Rule of Law in Latin America’ in Kingston, P and Yashar, D (eds), The Routledge Handbook of Latin American Politics (Routledge, London, 2012) 66 Google Scholar.
104 See (n 37).
105 J Esquirol, ‘The Turn to Legal Interpretation’ (2011) 26 American University International Law Review 1031, 1033.
106 D López-Medina, ‘Por qué hablar de una teoría impura del derecho para América Latina?’ in D Bonilla (ed), Teorías del Derecho y Transplantes Jurídicos (Siglo del Hombre, Bogotá, 2009) 46.
107 This has been the case even when public trust in courts is still very low and may be explained better by changes in constitutional opportunity and support structures. C Smulovitz, ‘Judicialization in Argentina: Legal Culture or Opportunities and Support Structures?’ in J Couso, A Huneeus and R Sieder (eds), Cultures of Legality: Judicialization and Political Activism in Latin America (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010).
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109 L Streck, Verdade o Consenso (Saraiva, Rio de Janeiro, 2014) 470.
110 R Uprimny, Bloque de Constitucionalidad, Derechos Humanos, y Proceso Penal (Consejo Superior de la Judicatura, Bogotá, 2006) 29–33.
111 J Contesse, ‘Inter-American Constitutionalism: The Interaction Between Human Rights and Progressive Constitutional Law in Latin America’, in C Rodríguez-Garavito (ed), Law and Society in Latin America (Routledge, London, 2014).
112 See (n 12).
113 For Fernando Atria, neo-constitutional scholarship has ended up undermining the normativity of law and its ability to guide human behaviour, triggering a retreat to a pre-modern law, where the moral adjudication of judges has the power to decide what law means after the facts are considered. F Atria, La Forma del Derecho (Marcial Pons, Madrid, 2016) 56.
114 See (n 99) 262–63. For these same reasons, some authors also speak of a neoliberal variation of LANC, where the emphasis of judicial review is placed within the so-called ‘economic constitution’, comprising economic freedoms and strong protections to private property. J Couso, ‘The “Economic Constitutions” of Latin America: Between Free Markets and Aocioeconomic Rights’, in R Dixon and T Ginsburg (eds), Comparative Constitutional Law in Latin America (Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, 2017).
115 K Merhof, ‘Building a Bridge Between Reality and the Constitution: The Establishment and Development of the Colombian Constitutional Court’ (2015) 13 International Journal of Constitutional Law 714, 721.
116 Although neo-constitutional adjudication has not always been progressive. See (n 103) 68.
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120 See (n 99) 240.
121 I agree with Pedro Salazar, for whom the ‘family resemblance’ should be thick enough to make the common patterns relevant. See (n 74) 349.
122 R Viciano and R Martínez, ‘La Constitución democrática, entre el neoconstitucionalismo y el nuevo constitucionalismo’ (2013) 48 El Otro Derecho 63.
123 J Wolff, ‘Towards Post-Liberal Democracy in Latin America? A Conceptual Framework Applied to Bolivia’ (2008) 45 Journal of Latin American Studies 31, 33.
124 G Pisarello, ‘El nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano y la constitución venezolana de 1999: balance de una década’ (2009) <https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=6621838>.
125 A Medici, ‘Nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano y giro decolonial: Seis proposiciones para comprenderlo desde un pensamiento situado y crítico’ (2013) 48 El Otro Derecho 15, 21.
126 S Edwards, Populismo o Mercados (Norma, Bogotá, 2009).
127 R Viciano and R Martínez, ‘¿Se puede hablar del nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano como corriente doctrinal sistematizada?’ (2011), http://www.juridicas.unam.mx/wccl/ponencias/13/245.pdf.
128 R Martínez and R Viciano, ‘Fundamentos Teoricos y Practicos del Nuevo Constitucionalismo Latinoamericano’, in R Viciano (ed), Estudios sobre el nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano (Tirant Lo Blanch, 2012) 310.
129 NLAC avoids being associated with the kind of ideas proposed by Bruce Ackerman, which have been raised in Latin America to justify systems of constitutional control. B Ackerman and C Rosenkrantz, ‘Tres Modelos de Democracia Constitucional’ (1991) 29 Cuadernos y Debates 15.
130 P Blokker, B Bugaric and G Halmai, ‘Introduction: Populist Constitutionalism: Varieties, Complexities, and Contradictions’ (2019) 20 German Law Journal 291, 293.
131 M Alterio and R Niembro (eds), Constitucionalismo Popular en América Latina (Porrúa, Ciudad de México, 2013).
132 Constitution of Venezuela, Title V, Ch V; Constitution of Ecuador, ch V, title IV; Constitution of Bolivia, arts 241–42.
133 See (n 128) 323.
134 Constitution of Ecuador, art 441.
135 Constitution of Bolivia, art 411; Constitution of Venezuela, arts 342–46.
136 See (n 128) 332.
137 No scholar has used the term ‘originalism’ to defend the constitutional methods of interpretation used by the mixed systems of constitutional review of NLAC. In some cases, originalism is implied using the proceedings of the constituent assembly to defend a certain point. In Bolivia, it is the main rule of constitutional interpretation, according to the Law of the Plurinational Constitutional Court (art 6). In Venezuela, following the constitutional endorsement of the Bolivarian doctrine (Constitution of Venezuela, art 1), the Supreme Tribunal of Justice refers to the writings of Bolivar to shed light on constitutional clauses, adding uncertainty to the outcome of the interpretive process. Expediente nº16-0343, Tribunal Supremo de Justicia (Venezuela), 11 April 2016, s I.2.
138 A Oquendo, ‘The Politicization of Human Rights’ (2016) 50 NYU Journal of International Law and Politics 1.
139 A Noguera, ‘El neoconstitucionalismo andino: ¿una superación de la contradicción entre democracia y justicia constitucional?’ (2011) 90 Revista Vasca de Administración Pública 167, 191–94.
140 For example, the highly specific rules for a referendum on constitutional reforms in the Constitution of Venezuela.
141 Along with the Constitution of Colombia (380 articles), these are the most extended constitutions in the region.
142 See (n 128) 323.
143 C Storini, ‘Derechos y Garantías en el Nuevo Constitucionalismo Latinoamericano’ (XV Encuentro de Latinoamericanistas Españoles, Madrid, November 2012), <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00874673/document>.
144 See (n 33) 156, 172–77, 192–95.
145 R Huber and C Schimpf, ‘Friend or Foe? Testing the Influence of Populism on Democratic Quality in Latin America’ (2016) 64 Political Studies 872.
146 F Panizza, Contemporary Latin America: Development and Democracy Beyond the Washington Consensus (Zed Books, London, 2009) 223.
147 The ‘boom of commodities’ has explained, in greater part, the increasing power of social policies in tackling poverty and inequality. N Birdsall, N Lustig and D McLeod, ‘Declining Inequality in Latin America’ in P Kingstone and D Yashar (eds), Routledge Handbook of Latin American Politics (Routledge, London, 2012) 163–71.
148 R Lallander, ‘Entre el ecocentrismo y el pragmatismo ambiental: Consideraciones inductivas sobre desarrollo, extractivismo y los derechos de la naturaleza en Bolivia y Ecuador’ (2015) 6 Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política 109.
149 See (n 147).
150 R Viciano and R Martínez, ‘Una Constituyente sin Legitimidad’ (Diario El País, 26 May 2017), <https://elpais.com/elpais/2017/05/24/opinion/1495650765_391247.html>.
151 Bellamy, R, Political Constitutionalism: A Republican Defence of the Constitutionality of Democracy (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
152 See (n 33).
153 Alviar, H ‘Distribution of Resources Led by Courts: A Few Words of Caution’, in Alviar, H, Klare, K and Williams, L (eds), Social and Economic Rights in Theory and Practice (Routledge, London, 2015)Google Scholar; Angel-Cabo, N and Lovera, D, ‘Latin American Social Constitutionalism: Courts and Popular Participation’ in Alviar, H, Klare, K and Williams, L (eds), Social and Economic Rights in Theory and Practice: Critical Inquiries (Routledge, New York, 2015)Google Scholar; see Contesse (n 41).
154 D Lovera, ‘A quién pertenece la Constitución en Chile? Cortes, Democracia y Participación’ (2010) 11 Revista Jurídica de la Universidad de Palermo 119.
155 C Rodríguez-Garavito and D Rodríguez-Franco, Radical Deprivation on Trial (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2015); J Contesse and D Lovera, ‘Acceso a tratamiento médico para personas viviendo con VIH/Sida: Éxitos sin Victoria’ (2008) 8 Sur 149.
156 See (n 154); D Landau, ‘Political Institutions and Judicial Role in Comparative Constitutional Law’ (2010) 51 Harvard Journal of International Law 319.
157 S Botero, ‘Agents of Neoliberalism? High Courts and Rights in Latin America’, <https://www.sas.upenn.edu/andrea-mitchell-center/sites/www.sas.upenn.edu.dcc/files/uploads/Botero%20-%20Courts%20(Penn%20DCC%20Conference).pdf>.
158 MA Peñas, and JM Morán, ‘Conservative Litigation Against Sexual and Reproductive Health Policies in Argentina’ (2014) 22 Reproductive Health Matters 82.
159 F Muñoz, Hegemonía y Nueva Constitución (Ediciones UACh, Valdivia, 2015).
160 See Jácome (n 78) 457.
161 Couso, J, ‘Las democracias radicales y el “nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano”’ in Derechos Humanos: Posibilidades Teóricas y Desafíos Prácticos (Libraria/SELA, Buenos Aires, 2014).Google Scholar
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163 See (n 33) 206.
164 See (n 3) 6.
165 Von Bogdandy argues that ICCAL defines its identity by the ‘rejection of the three traditional constitutional ideologies of Latin America, namely, conservatism, radicalism and liberalism’. See (n 3) 6. However, EDC could be seen as the revival of the republican/radical tradition in the context of current challenges. A proper reconstruction of the republican ideals honours the double commitment defended by EDC. For example, Bilbao, one of the main thinkers of the radical tradition in the nineteenth century, was not only worried with political and moral majoritarianism, but was also concerned with classic civil liberties and individual autonomy. F Bilbao, El Gobierno de la Libertad, <http://www.franciscobilbao.cl/1909/article-81871.html>. Although his critiques against representative democracy place him under an extreme radical tradition, I think a proper reconstruction of his thoughts could well place him as a defender of both collective self-government and individual autonomy. See (n 38) 8. The same could be said about the intellectual contributions of the Colombian Manuel Murillo Toro, or the Ecuadorian Juan Montalvo. F MacDonald Spindler, ‘Lamennais and Montalvo: A European Influence Upon Latin American Political Thought’ (1976) 37 Journal of the History of Ideas 137.
166 See Angel-Cabo and Lovera (n 153).
167 R Gargarella, El Derecho a la Protesta: El Primer Derecho (Ad-Hoc, Buenos Aires, 2005)
168 L Pautassi, ‘Igualdad en la desigualdad? Alcances y límites de las acciones afirmativas’ (2007) 4 Revista Conectas 6.
169 G Maurino, E Nino and M Sigal, Las Acciones Colectivas (Lexis Nexis, Buenos Aires, 2006).
170 D Wei and P Privatto, ‘Book Review: Latin American Constitutionalism’ (2014) 12 International Journal of Constitutional Law 256, 260.
171 See (n 33) 205.
172 E Nino, ‘La discriminación menos comentada’, in R Gargarella (ed), La Constitución en 2020: 48 propuestas para una sociedad igualitaria (Siglo XXI, Buenos Aires, 2011) 49.
173 J Habermas, Between Facts and Norms (Polity Press, Cambridge, 1996) 38–41.
174 Habermas’s theory of democracy and its relationship with law has been applied in Latin America to discussions around transitional justice and freedom of expression, among other issues. R Gargarella, ‘La democracia frente a los crímenes masivos: una reflexión a la luz del caso Gelman’ (2015) 2 Revista Latinoamericana de Derecho Internacional 1; C Mauersberger, Advocacy Coalitions and Democratizing Media Reforms in Latin America (Springer, London, 2016). For a defence of the critical appropriation of the Habermasian tradition in Latin America against challenges of Eurocentrism, see Morrow, R, ‘Defending Habermas Against Eurocentrism: Latin America and Mignolo’s Decolonial Challenge’, in Bailey, T (ed), Deprovincializing Habermas: Global Perspectives (Routledge, London, 2013)Google Scholar.
175 D López Medina, ‘La “Cultura de la Legalidad” como discurso académico y práctica política: un reporte desde América Latina’, in I Wences et al (eds), Cultura de la Legalidad en Iberoamérica: Desafíos y Experiencias (FLACSO, Ciudad de México, 2014) 72–75.
176 Although the Habermasian influence in Nino was never fully articulated by him, there is a clear connection between his moral constructivism and the discourse principle as the foundation of legitimate law. CS Nino, La validez del Derecho (Astrea, 1985); R Gargarella, ‘El punto de encuentro entre la teoría penal y la teoría democrática de Carlos Nino’ (2015) 35 Análisis Filosófico 189.
177 R Gargarella (ed), Por una Justicia Dialógica (Siglo XXI, Buenos Aires, 2014).
178 See (n 113).
179 Arguably, EDC’s commitment to radical democracy suggests a strong critique of ‘hyper-presidentialism’. Although this would entail a different research, there is a strong debate regarding the particular features of Latin American presidentialism that impede the realization of political equality. M Alegre, ‘Democracia sin Presidentes’, in M Alegre and R Gargarella (eds) El Derecho a la Igualdad: Aportes para un constitucionalismo igualitario (Abeledo Perrot, Buenos Aires, 2007).
180 Elster, J, Reason and Rationality (Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 2009).Google Scholar
181 Comparative institutional analyses are starting to be a topic of interest for Latin American legal academia. D Wei, ‘Courts as Healthcare Policy-makers: The Problem, the Responses to the Problem and Problems in the Responses’ (FGV, Research Paper Series 75, 2013), <http://bibliotecadigital.fgv.br/dspace/handle/10438/11198>
182 Unlike LANC and NLAC, EDC rejects dualism, which unduly splits the exercise of ordinary political citizenship with certain extraordinary moments where the people emerge, and supports constitutional structures that grant every act of ordinary law-making with the highest democratic deliberative pedigree. See (n 167).
183 J Croon, ‘Comparative Institutional Analysis, the European Court of Justice and the General Principle of Non-Discrimination – or – Alternative Tales on Equality Reasoning’ (2013) 19 European Law Journal 153.
184 D Lovera, ‘Tres son Multitud? Constitucionalismo Popular, Cortes y Protesta’, in M Alterio and R Niembro (eds), Constitucionalismo Popular en América Latina (Porrúa, Ciudad de México, 2013).
185 See (n 43) 1608.
186 J Contesse, ‘The final word? Constitutional dialogue and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ (2017) 15 International Journal of Constitutional Law 414; P Contreras, ‘Control de Convencionalidad, Deferencia Internacional y Discreción Nacional en la Jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos’ (2014) 20 Revista Ius et Praxis 235.
187 G O’Donnell, ‘Why the Rule of Law Matters’ (2004) 15 Journal of Democracy 32.
188 See (n 33) 202.
189 See (n 73) 112; McNay, L, The Misguided Search for the Political (Polity Press, Cambridge, 2014) 38 Google Scholar.
190 M Schor, ‘Constitutionalism Through the Looking Glass of Latin America’ (2006) 41 Texas International Law Journal 1, 7.
191 See (n 1) 3.