Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-v9fdk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-09T22:31:59.352Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A challenge to triumphant optimists? A blue chips index for the Paris stock exchange, 1854–2007

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 April 2010

David Le Bris
Affiliation:
Université Paris-Sorbonne – Université d'Orléans, [email protected]
Pierre-Cyrille Hautcœur
Affiliation:
Paris School of Economics – EHESS, [email protected]

Abstract

We have reconstructed a new blue chips (large caps) stock index for France from 1854 to 1998, based on a modern methodology. Our index differs profoundly from earlier indices, and is more consistent with French financial and economic history. We suggest this result casts some doubt on many historical stock indices, such as those used in Dimson, Marsh and Staunton's Triumph of the Optimists. Investment in French stocks provided a positive real return during the nineteenth century, but a negative one – because of inflation and wars – in the twentieth. Despite this secular negative real performance, stocks proved the best financial asset in the very long run, although with an equity premium lower than in the US.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © European Association for Banking and Financial History e.V. 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

2 Brown, S. J., Goetzmann, W. N. and Ross, S. A., ‘Survival’, Journal of Finance, 50.3 (1995), pp. 853–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 On Russia, see Lizunov, P. V., ‘Russian securities in the Russian and European stock exchanges (end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century)’, in Ekonomicheskaja istorija. Ezhegodnik (Economic History. Yearbook) 2001 (Moscow, 2002), pp. 206–41Google Scholar; and L. Borodkin and A. Konovalova, ‘Chaotic dynamics of share prices at St Petersburg stock market in the frst decade of the 20th century: metal and oil’, working paper presented at the XVth Conference of the international association for history and computing, 2003.

4 Dimson, E., Marsh, P. and Staunton, M., Triumph of the Optimists: 101 Years of Global Investment Returns (Princeton, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Ibid., p. 50. On Sweden, Frennberg, P. and Hansson, B., ‘Computation of a monthly index for Swedish stocks returns, 1919-1989’, Scandinavian Economic History, 40.1 (1992), pp. 3-27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Fisher, I., The Making of Index Numbers: A Study of Their Varieties, Tests, and Reliability (New York, 1922)Google Scholar.

7 W. Goetzmann, ‘Will history rhyme? The past as financial future’, working paper, Yale ICF, no. 04-19, 2004; P.-C. Hautcoeur, ‘Why and how to measure stock market fluctuations? The early history of stock market indices, with special reference to the French case ’, working paper, Paris School of Economics, no. 10, 2006.

8 Cowles, A. A. et al. , Common-Stock Indexes (Bloomington, 1938)Google Scholar.

9 Wilson, J. and Jones, C., ‘An analysis of the S&P 500 index and Cowles's extensions: price indexes and stock returns, 1870–1999’, Journal of Business, 75.3 (2002), pp. 505-33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a better index than the Cowles one, see Goetzmann, W., Ibbotson, R. and Peng, C., ‘A new historical database for the NYSE 1815 to 1925: performance and predictability’, Journal of Financial Markets, 4.1 (2000), pp. 1-32Google Scholar.

10 P. Arbulu, ‘Le marché parisien des actions au XIXème siècle: performance et efficience d'un marché émergent’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Orléans, 1998; Gallais-Hamonno, G. and Arbulu, P., ‘La rentabilité réelle des actifs boursiers de 1950 à 1992’, Economie et Statistique, 281 (1995), pp. 3-30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 For the US, see for example Ibbotson, R. R. and Sinquefield, R. A., ‘Stocks, bonds, bills and inflation: simulations of the future 1976-2000’, Journal of Business, 49.3 (1976), pp. 11-47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; or Siegel, J., ‘The equity premium: stock and bond returns since 1802’, Financial Analysts Journal, 48.1 (1992), pp. 28-38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Barro, R. J., ‘Rare disasters and assets markets in the twentieth century’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 121.3 (2006), pp. 823-66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Michalet, Ch.-A., Les placements des épargnants français de 1815 à nos jours (Paris, 1968)Google Scholar.

14 Free float would in theory be a superior alternative, but the amount of the free float cannot be reconstituted until that information started to be published in 2003 for Euronext's CAC-40.

15 Daumard, A. (ed.), Les fortunes privées au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, provides information on portfolios held at death.

16 See e.g. Barça, F. and Becht, M. (eds.), The Control of Corporate Europe (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar; or Chandler, A. D., Scale and Scope, the Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, MA, 1990)Google Scholar. British corporations may have had a more diversified ownership, see Franks, J., Mayer, C. and Rossi, S., ‘Ownership: evolution and regulation’, Review of Financial Studies, 22 (October 2009), pp. 4009-56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Leroy-Beaulieu, P., L'art de placer et gérer sa fortune (Paris, 1906)Google Scholar.

18 Dimson, E. and Marsh, P., ‘The stability of UK risk measures and the problem of thin trading’, Journal of Finance, 38.3 (1983), pp. 753-83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 A recent study of the individual accounts at a US stock broker in the 1990s finds an average portfolio of only four stocks, see Barber, B. and Odean, T., ‘Trading is hazardous to your wealth: the common stock investment performance of individual investors’, Journal of Finance, 55.2 (2000), pp. 773-806CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 A. Ben-Rephael, O. Kadan, and A. Wohl, ‘The diminishing liquidity premium’, working paper presented to the NBER workshop on financial microstructures, 2008.

21 Statman, M., ‘How many stocks make a diversified portfolio’, Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, 22.3 (1987), pp. 353-63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Rajan, R. and Zingales, L., ‘The great reversal: the politics of financial development in the 20th century’, Journal of Financial Economics, 69.1 (2003), pp. 5-50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Early cases are Crédit mobilier (1867), Union Générale (1882), Comptoir d'Escompte de Paris, Société Industrielle des Métaux and the Panama canal (1889). More recent ‘quasi-bankruptcies’ are Eurotunnel, Euro Disneyland, or Crédit Foncier de France.

24 Hautcoeur, P.-C. (ed.), Le marché financier français au 19e siècle, Récit (Paris, 2007)Google Scholar; see Courtois, A., Des opérations de bourse (Paris, 1855)Google Scholar, for an early and frequently reprinted publication on listed firms.

25 The only well-known firm that is excluded during a period because of that requirement is Saint Gobain, which is number 34 by capitalisation in 1858 (a rank that increases later) but with only 4,364 shares (each priced at 33,000 francs, or some 100,000 euros in today's money). One insurance company excluded up until the 1860s is Assurances Nationales Incendie (only 2,000 shares,).

26 For more details, see Hautcoeur, P.-C., ‘Asymétries d'information, coûts de mandat et financement des entreprises françaises (1890-1936)’, Revue Economique, 50.5 (1999), pp. 1053-87Google Scholar.

27 The very existence of this method probably modifies the behaviour of today's firms, making them eliminate special shares to improve the likelihood of access to the CAC-40 and the visibility that would give them. This was not the case in the past, but we still prefer to maintain that method for the sake of continuity.

28 Furthermore, this exclusion balances the fact that 40 per cent of the capital of Suez was owned by the British government and was thus not free float.

29 The Coulisse, or ‘marché en banque’, was developed outside the regulated Bourse during the nineteenth century. It was partly legalised from 1893 on. See P.-C. Hautcoeur and A. Riva, ‘The Paris financial market in the 19th century: an efficient multi-polar organisation?’, working paper, Paris School of Economics, no. 31, 2007, and Pollin, E., ‘La Coulisse’, in Gallais-Hamonno, G. (ed.), Le marché financier français au 19e siècle, Aspects quantitatifs des acteurs et des instruments à la Bourse de Paris (Paris, 2007)Google Scholar.

30 These counts may not be exhaustive since some more shares could be traded on the Coulisse, provincial Bourses or OTC markets without being mentioned in journals, but they were marginal and could not modify our results, in particular the list of the forty major stocks.

31 Friday was chosen because it does not correspond to settlement periods (forward operations were settled every 15 days or every month depending on the moment during our period), and because weekly periodicals, usually published on Saturday, gave Friday prices.

32 E.g. Goetzmann et al., ‘A new historical database for the NYSE’.

33 P.-C. Hautcoeur and M. Petit, ‘The development of the Paris Bourse in the interwar period what old and new stock indices tell us’, working paper, Delta no. 18, 2004; Petit, M., ‘Inventaire des séries de données historiques du projet Old Paris Stock Exchange 1919-1939’, Economies et Sociétés, 40.8 (2006), pp. 1089-119Google Scholar, provide an original index for the interwar period, with a methodology similar to ours. It includes 30 blue chips, with a slightly more conservative selection procedure since shares are chosen only if they remain at least four years among the biggest capitalisations of the Bourse. This may explain why it features somewhat more fluctuations.

34 Gallais-Hamonno and Arbulu, ‘Rentabilité réelle’; Jorion, P. and Goetzmann, W., ‘Global stock market in the 20th century’, Journal of Finance 54.3 (1999), pp. 953-80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dimson et al., Triumph of the Optimists; Société des Nations, Annuaire statistique de la société des nations (Geneva, 1939)Google Scholar.

35 Hautcoeur, ‘Why and how to measure’.

36 INSEE (Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques), Etudes Statistiques, Supplément trimestriel du Bulletin Mensuel de Statistique (Paris, January–March 1963).

37 Arbulu, Marché parisien des actions, 1998, p. 132; Arbulu, P., ‘Le marché parisien des actions au XIXe siècle’, in Gallais-Hamonno, G. (ed.), Le marché financier français au XIXe siècle, aspects quantitatifs (Paris, 2007), pp. 365-457, p. 424Google Scholar.

38 INSEE, Etudes Statistiques, p. 79.

39 Fama, E., and French, K. R., ‘The cross-section of expected stock returns’, Journal of Finance, 47.2 (1992), pp. 427-65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamon, J. and Jacquillat, B., Le marché français des actions (Paris, 1992)Google Scholar.

40 On the psychological traits and consequences of the 1882 crash, see Zola, E., L'Argent (Paris, 1891)Google Scholar.

41 INSEE, Le mouvement économique en France de 1938 à 1948 (Paris, 1950), p. 162Google Scholar.

42 Laforest, P. and Sallee, P., ‘Le pouvoir d'achat des actions, des obligations et de l'or’, Economie et Statistiques, 3 (1969), pp. 3-12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 A comparison of the performances of our CAC-40 and the SGF-INSEE-Arbulu index shows that the latter significantly over-performed the former in all decades but one since 1854.

44 Formal tests of the official CAC-40 and ours being identical between 1988 and 1997 give the following results: for equal kurtosis 124.46 (< 144.35 as X2critical value at 5 per cent); for equal skewness 20.88 (< 144.35 as X2critical value at 5 per cent); for equal distributions 20.45 (<36.41 as X2critical value 5 per cent).

45 This test does not suppose a Gaussian distribution (see below): we distribute the variations in classes by quarter of standard deviation, which allows us to compare the distributions directly.

46 Berle, A. A. and Means, G., The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1932)Google Scholar; Chandler, A. D., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, 1977)Google Scholar. Rutterford, J., ‘From dividend yield to discounted cash flows: a history of UK and US equity valuation techniques’, Accounting, Business and Financial History, 14.2 (2004), pp. 115-49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests the dividend was long the major information on stock value, hence high dividend yields as a proportion of total returns. Goetzmann, W., ‘Patterns in three centuries of stock market data’, Journal of Business, 66.2 (1993), pp. 249-70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, observes the same pattern on various markets.

47 Desrosières, A., The Politics of Large Numbers: A History of Statistical Reasoning (Cambridge, MA, 1998)Google Scholar (first publication in French, Paris, 1993).

48 Lévy-Leboyer, M. and Bourguignon, F., L'économie française au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1985)Google Scholar (Engl. trans. Cambridge, 1990); Villa, P., Une analyse macroéconomique de la France au XXe siècle (Paris, 1993)Google Scholar.

49 Siegel, J., Stocks for the Long Run: A Guide to Selecting Markets for Long-Term Growth (New York, 1994)Google Scholar.

50 The literature on the relationships between stock real returns and inflation is huge. It frequently finds some negative correlation for the short run, but not in the long run. See Boudoukh, J. and Richardson, M., ‘Stock returns and inflation: a long-horizon perspective’, American Economic Review, 83.1 (1993), pp. 1346-55Google Scholar; Geske, R. and Roll, R., ‘The fiscal and monetary linkage between stock returns and inflation’, Journal of Finance, 38.1 (1983), pp. 1-33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fama, E., ‘Stocks returns, real activity, inflation and money’, American Economic Review, 71.4 (1981), pp. 545-65Google Scholar; Ely, D. P. and Robinson, K. J., ‘The stock market and inflation: a synthesis of the theory and evidence’, Economic Review, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, March (1989), pp. 17-29Google Scholar; Siegel, Stocks for the Long Run, p. 158; Sharpe, W., Gordon, A. and Bailey, J., Investments (Englewood Cliffs, 1999), p. 137Google Scholar; Ibbotson Associates, ‘Annual stock return and rates of inflation, 1926-1996’, Stocks, Bonds, Bills and Inflation 1997 Yearbook (Chicago, 1997)Google Scholar.

51 Dimson, E., Marsh, P. and Staunton, M., ‘Irrational optimism’, Financial Analysts Journal, 60.1 (2004), pp. 15-25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Temin, P., ‘The transmission of the Great Depression’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7.2 (1993), pp. 87-102, p. 88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Hobsbawm, E., The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (London, 1994)Google Scholar.

54 Some of the prices for gold used here are measured on the black market, since at some periods there was no free market for gold in France. This may affect their reliability on the short run, and the volatility observed.

55 J. Friggit, ‘Long term (1800-2005) investment in gold, bonds, stocks and housing in France – with insights into the USA and the UK: a few regularities’, working paper, 2007, available at www.adef.org/statistiques/engstathome.htm, builds an index for Parisian real estate using a repeated sales methodology; Simonnet, F., Gallais-Hamonno, G. and Arbulu, P., ‘Un siècle de placement immobilier, l'exemple de La Fourmi Immobilière’, Journal de la Société de Statistique de Paris, 2ème trimestre 139.2, (1998), pp.  95-135Google Scholar, collect stock prices of La Fourmi Immobilière, a firm who managed the same Parisian buildings on a pure-equity basis from 1905 to 1995.

56 Jorion and Goetzmann, ‘Global stock markets’.

57 The US index used here is broader than ours, which may partly explain a higher return and volatility, but the difference is too big to be explained entirely by that fact.

58 D. Le Bris, ‘Why did French investors buy foreign assets before World War One?’, working paper, 2008.

59 P.-C. Hautcoeur and S. Grottard, ‘Taxation of corporate profits, inflation and income distribution in France, 1914-1926’, working paper, Delta, 2001.

60 On the creation of profit taxation in France and the problems in measuring its impact in an inflationary period, see Hautcoeur and Grottard, ‘Taxation of corporate profit’; on the taxation level in France in the twentieth century, see Piketty, Th., Les hauts revenus en France au XXe siècle (Paris, 2001)Google Scholar.

61 Minima were reached in 1951 (1.82 per cent) and 1983 (2.18 per cent). The 1882 maximum of 36 per cent for the CAC-40 was reached again in 1998.

62 Goetzmann, ‘Will history rhyme’.

63 For example, see Smither, A. and Wright, S., Valuing Wall Street: Protecting Wealth in Turbulent Markets (New York, 2000)Google Scholar.