Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-mlc7c Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-14T11:17:42.806Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

A versatile charisma: The Mouride Brotherhood 1967–1975

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Donal B. Cruise O'brien
Get access

Extract

TheMouride brotherhood has by now become the subject of an abundant literature, sociological and other, since its foundation in the 1880s (notably Paul Marty 1913, L. Nekkach 1952, V. Monteil 1962, Shaikh Tidiane Sy 1969, J. Copans et al. 1972, F. Dumont 1975, Donal Cruise O'Brien 1971, 1975) (1). Looking over this literature today, one is impressed by the remarkable resilience and versatility of this holy organization: charismatic community and vehicle of a variant of ‘sacred nationalism’ (1886-), instrument of a massive land settlement (1912-), and of electoral brokerage in national party politics (1951–1966). This is only to mention some of the principal functions which the observers have discerned over the years, leaving aside the theological-didactic mission which the brotherhood's members (both leaders and followers) tend above all to emphasize. Yet for this writer, on the basis of field research in 1966–67, the Mouride success story seemed to be near its close (Marty more than half a century before had reached a similar verdict): but now, after renewed fieldwork in 1975 (2), it would appear that the brotherhood (with a new, younger and more vigorous leader) has made a new and unforeseen departure which invalidates recent premonitions of its imminent demise. Writing in 1970, I had been careful in concluding a book on the subject to cover every apparently foreseeable future trend but had not foreseen the major subsequent development, that the brotherhood would emerge as a (curious and perhaps slightly ambivalent) form of peasants' trade union. Experience showed that the great holy men (shuyukh, marabouts, saints) could be successful estate managers, political brokers, even capitalists, but union bosses!—that last can be explained now, but to me at least the causes have become obvious only after the event.

Type
Might and Rite
Information
European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie , Volume 18 , Issue 1 , June 1977 , pp. 84 - 106
Copyright
Copyright © Archives Européenes de Sociology 1977

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

(1) Marty, P., Les Mourides d'Amadou Bamba, (Paris, Leroux, 1913)Google Scholar. Nekkach, L., Le mouridisme depuis 1912 (Dakar Archives, 1952) unpublishedGoogle Scholar.Monteil, V., Une confrérie musulmane : les Mourides du Sénégal, Archives de sociologie des religions, VII (1962), 77–102Google Scholar. Sy, C. T., La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides (Paris, Présence africaine, 1969)Google Scholar, Copans, J. et al. , Maintenance sociale et changement économique au Sénégal, I: Doctrine économique et pratique du travail chez les Mourides (Paris, Orstom, 1972)Google Scholar. Dumont, F., La pensée religieuse d'Amadou Bamba (Dakar, Nouvelles éditions africaines, 1975)Google Scholar. Copans, J., Stratification sociale et organisation du travail agricole dans les villages Wolof Mourides du Sénégal (Paris, Thèse de Doctorat, 1973 [remains unpublished])Google Scholar. The findings of the present author's previous research are presented in O'Brien, D. Cruise, The Mourides of Senegal (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1971)Google Scholar and Saints and Politicians, Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1975)Google Scholar.

These are indeed only the principal references, but they show that the Mouride brotherhood has (deservedly) become something of an Africanist fashion.

(2) Some four months in Senegal (January-April 1975). I should like to thank the School of Oriental and African Studies for its generous financial assistance on this research leave. Thanks also to Senegalese informants, Mouride and others, notably the following: Thierno Sow (Mouride disciple and S.O.D.E.V.A. manager of the Khalifa-General's estate), Sérigne Mbacké Nioro (Mouride shaikh, Missirah), Alioune Kane (S.O.D.E.V.A. Regional Director, Diourbel), Boubacar Sock (Director, Dissoo peasant radio, Dakar).

(3) D. Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides… op. cit. Chapter viii-x for details.

(4) J. Copans et al., op. cit. passim, for statistical detail.

(5) Wade, A., La doctrine économique du mouridisme in Club Nation et développement du Sénégal (Paris, Présence africaine, 1972)Google Scholar, for the Protestant Ethic argument. Mouride traders in Dakar are organized in an Association des marchands mourides de Sandaga et de Colobane under the Presidency of Ndiagga Guèye. Interview, Ndiagga Guèye, 1975.

(6) Dissoo files, typed transcripts of question-and-answer broadcasts, are now in principle confidential. My thanks are especially due to Boubacar Sock of the Organisation de Radiodiffusion Télévision Sénégalaise.

(7) Official sample census of 1970, findings of which are still largely unpublished: but see du Sénégal, République, Direction de la Statistique, Enquête démographique nationale 1970–1971 (Dakar 1973)Google Scholar. See also Situation économique du Sénégal 1973, p. 83.

(8) International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Senegal: Tradition, Diversification and Economic Development (Washington D. C. 1974), p. 32Google Scholar. This report is the basis for all statistical information in this paragraph.

(9) On Shaikh Ibra Fall, see notably O'Brien, D. Cruise, The Mourides… op. cit. pp. 141–48Google Scholar, and Saints and Politicians… op. cit. pp. 42–53.

(10) O'Brien, D. Cruise, The Mourides… op. cit. pp. 61–63Google Scholar, 127–28, for the colonial administration's manipulation of the Mouride succession conflicts.

(11) Rocheteau, G., Société Wolof et mobilité (Dakar, Orstom, 1973)Google Scholar, for an account of rural Wolof (including Mouride) migration. One should not of course fail to note the other-wordly reward of the liberated dara worker, the assurance of paradise.

(12) An eye-witness to these tours was Thierno Sow (my interpreter in 1967) now S.O.D.E.V.A. manager at Bélèle.

(13) See Mbaye, E. H. Ravane, Contribution à l'étude de l'lslam au Sénégal, Mémoire de maitrise [arabe], Université de Dakar, 1973, p. 184Google Scholar. None of my Mouride sources could lend substance to this rumour, but the idea has a certain compelling beauty.

(14) This and all subsequent quotations from Abdou Lahatte's speeches come via Senegalese informants: Thierno Sow, Samba Sow, Sérigne Mbacké Nioro, Alioune Kane, Boubacar Sock, Momar Sakho.

(15) Wioland, F., Enquête sur les langues parlées au Sénégal par les élèves de l'enseignement primaire. Étude statistique (Dakar, Clad, 1965)Google Scholarpassim, provides a wealth of statistical detail on national linguistic competence.

(16) Charles Bekker was kind enough to inform me (letter of 1st November 1975) that his present (as yet largely unpublished) demographic research suggests that 54% of rural Wolof, and 55% of rural Serer, are affiliated to the Mouride brotherhood. If the Wolof still produce two thirds, and the Serer one quarter, of the Senegalese peanut crop, this obviously means that the Mouride share of the crop would be of the order of one half—and very possibly more, given the brotherhood's long-established predilection for the peanut. Father Bekker's findings would suggest that my own previous statistical calculations of Mouride population and peanut production were seriously underestimated. See The Mourides… op. cit. pp. 214–16, where it was calculated that the brothers produced about one quarter of Senegal's peanuts. My estimate was based on an all-too-careful extrapolation from urban census material on tribe and religious affiliation (Thiès 1953 and Dakar 1955), while Father Bekker's more recent research would suggest a very significant urban/rural discrepancy in religious affiliation. The Tijāniyya may predominate in the larger towns (60% of the Dakar and Thiés populations, as against less than 20% Mouride) but in rural areas the Tijāniyya accounts for only 44% of the Wolof population.

The present article, illustrating the particular efficacy of rural Mouride organization, may partially serve to explain these urban/rural demographic discrepancies. On the relative inefficacy of urban Mouride organization, see The Mourides… op. cit. pp. 237–61.

Bekker's, Charlesviews and findings have now been published in Psychopathologie africaine, XI (1975), 251–59Google Scholar (a review article entitled ‘Perspectives nouvelles sur le mouridisme’ dealing with F. Dumont, op. cit., and D. Cruise O'Brien, Saints and Politicians… op. cit.

(17) See the report in Le Soleil (Dakar), 17th 02 1975Google Scholar. My thanks to Fatou Sow (of IFAN Dakar) for further information.