Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-g8jcs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T01:01:52.538Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

God’s Technicians: Religious Jurists and the Usury Ban in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2016

Ryan Calder*
Affiliation:
Johns Hopkins University [[email protected]].
Get access

Abstract

At the heart of the $2 trillion Islamic-finance industry is a ban on interest. But why is there only an Islamic ban on interest today? After all, for over a millennium, interest was also gravely sinful in Judaism and Christianity. While scholars have addressed the evolution of Jewish, Christian, and Islamic economic morality in isolation, very few since Weber have tackled the interest question directly and comparatively.

I argue that the fate of the religious interest ban has always depended on the fate of religious jurists. When religious jurists are absent, no systematic interest ban emerges. When religious jurists emerge as technical experts, the interest ban appears and thrives. And when religious jurists come under attack or lose their traditional role in society, the interest ban withers and dies.

To conclude, I call for a reconstruction of Weber’s theory of religion and economic morality that dissolves the tradition-modernity binary.

Résumé

Au cœur d’une industrie financière islamique de 2 billions de dollars se trouve la prohibition de l’usure. Mais pourquoi n’y a-t-il aujourd’hui qu’un rejet islamique du prêt à intérêt ? Après tout, pendant plus d’un millénaire, l’intérêt a été décrit dans le Judaïsme comme le Christianisme comme un péché grave. Si de nombreux auteurs ont étudié l’évolution de la moralité économique des principales religions, en les considérant le plus souvent isolément les unes des autres, peu depuis Weber ont réellement traité la question de l’intérêt de façon directe et comparative.

Cet article montre que le destin de la prohibition religieuse de l’usure a toujours été lié à celui des juristes religieux. Lorsque ces derniers sont absents, aucune interdiction systématique d’intérêt n’émerge. A l’inverse lorsqu’ils sont investis d’une forme d’expertise technique, l’interdiction de l’intérêt apparaît et se développe. Et lorsque les juristes religieux sont mis en cause ou perdent leur rôle traditionnel dans la société, l’interdiction de l’intérêt dépérit et disparaît. En conclusion cet article invite à une reconstruction de la théorie wébérienne de la religion et de la moralité économique qui s’affranchisse de l’opposition entre tradition et modernité.

Zusammenfassung

Im Herzen der zwei Billionen Dollar schweren islamischen Finanzindustrie befindet sich das Wucherverbot. Aber weshalb wird heute nur im Islam der Zinserwerb verworfen? Schließlich galt der Zinserwerb über ein Jahrtausend im Juden- und Christentum als Erbsünde. Haben zahlreiche Autoren die Entwicklung der wirtschaftlichen Moral der wichtigsten Religionen untersucht, meist von einander getrennt, sind es nur wenige, die sich seit Weber mit der Zinsfrage in direkter und vergleichender Weise auseinandergesetzt haben.

Dieser Aufsatz weist daraufhin, dass das Schicksal des religiösen Zinsverbots meist von dem der Religionsjuristen abhängig ist. Fehlen letztere bleibt ein systematisches Verbot aus. Werden sie als technische Spezialisten anerkannt, entsteht und entwickelt sich das Zinsverbot. Werden sie kritisiert oder in ihrer traditionellen gesellschaftlichen Rolle geschwächt, verkümmert das Zinsverbot um schließlich ganz zu verschwinden. Schlussfolgernd lädt der Aufsatz zu einem Neuaufbau der Weberianischen Religionstheorie und Wirtschaftsmoral ein, befreit vom Widerstand zwischen Tradition und Moderne.

Type
Varia
Copyright
Copyright © A.E.S. 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abū Dā’ūd, Sulaymān, 1996 (855/856 CE). Sunan Abī Dā’ūd. First ed. (Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʻIlmīyah).Google Scholar
Adams, Samuel L., 2014. Social and Economic Life in Second Temple Judea (Louisville, Westminster John Knox Press).Google Scholar
Al Zuhayli, Wahba, 2006. “The Juridical Meaning of Riba”, in Thomas, A., ed., Interest in Islamic Economics: Understanding Riba (New York, Routledge: 26-54).Google Scholar
Alexander, III. 1990 (1179). “Third Lateran Council” in Tanner, N., ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils (Washington, Georgetown University Press).Google Scholar
Algar, Hamid, 1980. Religion and State in Iran 1785-1906: The Role of the Ulama in the Qajar Period (Berkeley, University of California Press).Google Scholar
Al-Khurashī, Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd Allāh, 1975 (d. 1689/1690). Al-Khurashī ‘alá Mukhtaṣar Sīdī Khalīl wa-bi-Hāmishihi Ḥāshiyat al-Shaykh ‘Alī al-‘Adawī (Sharḥ al-Ṣaghīr) (Vols. 1–8) (Beirut, Dār Ṣādir).Google Scholar
Allsopp, Michael E., 1996. “Deontic and Epistemic Authority in Roman Catholic Ethics: The Case of Richard McCormick”, Christian Bioethics, 2 (1): 97-113.Google Scholar
Al-Māwardī, Abū al-Ḥasan, 1989 (d. 1058). Al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭānīyah wa-al-Wilāyāt al-Dīnīyah. (Kuwait City, Maktabat Dār ibn Qutaybah).Google Scholar
Al-Zurqānī, Muḥammad, 1978 (d. 1710). Sharḥ al-Zurqānī ‘alá Mukhtaṣar Khalīl (Beirut, Dār al-Fikr).Google Scholar
Ambrose of Milan , 1933 (ca. 370). On Tobias (De Tobia) (Washington, Catholic University of America Press).Google Scholar
Anderson, Perry, 2013. Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, Verso).Google Scholar
Aquinas, Thomas, 1922 [1265–1274]. The Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas (New York, Benziger Bros.).Google Scholar
Asad, Talal, 2009. “The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam”, Qui Parle : 1-30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baron, Salo Wittmayer, 1952. A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Vol. 1, second ed. (New York, Columbia University Press).Google Scholar
Becker, Marvin B. 1957. “Three Cases Concerning the Restitution of Usury in Florence”, The Journal of Economic History, 17 (3): 445-450.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beezley, William H., 2008. “A Culture of Everyday Credit: Housekeeping, Pawnbroking, and Governance in Mexico City 1750-1920”, Hispanic American Historical Review, 88 (4): 713-714.Google Scholar
Bellah, Robert N. 1999. “Max Weber and World-Denying Love: A Look at the Historical Sociology of Religion”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 67 (2): 277-304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berger, Adolf, 1953. “Id Quod Interest.” Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Vol. 43 (2) (Clark, The Lawbook Exchange).Google Scholar
Bertholet, Alfred, 2004. A History of Hebrew Civilization (Eugene, Wipf and Stock).Google Scholar
Bhaduri, Amit, 1973. “A Study in Agricultural Backwardness Under Semi-Feudalism”, The Economic Journal, 83 (329): 120-137.Google Scholar
Bieler, Andre, 1964. The Social Humanism of John Calvin (Richmond, John Knox Press).Google Scholar
Bouman, Frits J. A. and Houtman, R., 1988. “Pawnbroking as an Instrument of Rural Banking in the Third World”, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 37 (1): 69-89.Google Scholar
Bourdieu, Pierre, 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bourdieu, Pierre, 1987. “The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field”, Hastings Law Journal, 38: 805-853.Google Scholar
Bourdieu, Pierre, 1990. In Other Words: Essays Towards a Reflexive Sociology, translated by Adamson, M. (Stanford, Stanford University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bourdieu, Pierre, 1998. Practical Reason, translated by Johnson, R. (Cambridge, Polity).Google Scholar
Brubaker, Rogers, 1984. The Limits of Rationality: An Essay on the Social and Moral Thought of Max Weber (London, Allen & Unwin).Google Scholar
Brundage, James A., 1995. Medieval Canon Law (New York, Longman).Google Scholar
Brundage, James A., 2008. The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, University of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
Buss, Andreas, 1989. “The Economic Ethics of Russian-Orthodox Christianity: Part I”, International Sociology, 4 (3): 235-258.Google Scholar
Byrne, Ryan, 2003. “Early Assyrian Contacts with Arabs and the Impact on Levantine Vassal Tribute”, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 331: 11-25.Google Scholar
Çağatay, Neş’et, 1970. “Ribā and Interest Concept and Banking in the Ottoman Empire”, Studia Islamica, 32: 53-68.Google Scholar
Calder, Ryan, 2010. “Short-Selling Replication in Islamic Finance: Innovation and Debate in Malaysia and Beyond”, in Venardos, A. M., ed., Current Issues in Islamic Banking and Finance: Resilience and Stability in the Present System (Singapore, World Scientific: 277-315).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Calder, Ryan, 2014. “Sacred Profit: A Sociology of Islamic Finance”, Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Calvin, John, 1991 [1545]. “On Usury”, in Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice (Louisville, Westminster/John Knox Press: 139-143).Google Scholar
Cardahi, Choucri, 1955. “Le prêt à intérêt et l’usure au regard des législations antiques, de la morale catholique, du droit moderne et de la loi islamique”, Revue internationale de droit comparé, 7 (3): 499-541.Google Scholar
Caskey, John P., 1991. “Pawnbroking in America: The Economics of a Forgotten Credit Market”, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 23 (1): 85-99.Google Scholar
Chapra, Muhammad Umer and Ahmad, Khurshid, 1985. Towards a Just Monetary System: A Discussion of Money, Banking and Monetary Policy in the Light of Islamic Teachings, Vol. 8 (Leicester, Islamic Foundation).Google Scholar
Clavero, Bartolomé, 1996. La grâce du don: anthropologie catholique de l’économie moderne, translated by Schaub, Jean-Frédéric (Paris, Albin Michel).Google Scholar
Clement of Alexandria, 1885 (d. ca. 215 CE). “The Stromata, or Miscellanies”, translated by W. Wilson, in Roberts, A., Donaldson, J. and Cleveland Coxe, A., eds., The Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 2. (Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 484-951).Google Scholar
Cohen, Boaz, 1950. Antichresis in Jewish and Roman Law. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America.Google Scholar
Cohen, Mark R., 2002. “Medieval Jewry in the World of Islam”, in Goodman, M., Cohen, J. and Sorkin, D., eds., The Oxford Handbook of Jewish Studies (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 193-218).Google Scholar
Cohen, Michael R., 2012. The Birth of Conservative Judaism: Solomon Schechter’s Disciples and the Creation of an American Religious Movement (New York, Columbia University Press).Google Scholar
Cohen, Shaye, 1984. “The Significance of Yavneh: Pharisees, Rabbis, and the End of Jewish Sectarianism”, Hebrew Union College Annual: 27-53.Google Scholar
Coper, Michael, Blackshield, Tony and Williams, George, 2001. “Jurisprudence”, in Oxford Companion to the High Court of Australia (Oxford, Oxford University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cotts, John D., 2012. Europe’s Long Twelfth Century: Order, Anxiety, and Adaptation 1095-1229 (London, Palgrave Macmillan).Google Scholar
Cowley, A. E., 2005. Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Eugene, Wipf & Stock).Google Scholar
Crone, Patricia, 1999. “Weber, Islamic Law and the Rise of Capitalism”, in Huff, T. E. and Schluchter, W., eds., Max Weber and Islam (London, Transaction Books : 247-272).Google Scholar
Cuno, Kenneth M. 2006. “Contrat salam et transformations agricoles en basse Égypte à l’époque ottomane”, Annales 61 (4): 925-940.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cyril of Jerusalem, 1894 (d. 386 CE). “The Catechical Lectures”, translated by E. H. Gifford, in Schaff, P. and Wace, H., eds., A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Vol. 7 (Oxford, James Parker: 1-202).Google Scholar
Davison, Roderic H. 1963. Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856–1876 (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
De Borbone, Stephanus, 1877 (d. 1256). Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, edited by de la Marche, Albert Lecoy (Paris, Librarie Renouard).Google Scholar
De Chobham, Thomas, 1968 (ca. 1216). Summa Confessorum (Louvain, Nauwelaerts).Google Scholar
De Roover, Raymond, 1955. “Scholastic Economics: Survival and Lasting Influence from the Sixteenth Century to Adam Smith”, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 69 (2): 161-190.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
De Roover, Raymond, 1958. “The Concept of the Just Price: Theory and Economic Policy”, The Journal of Economic History, 18 (4): 418-434.Google Scholar
Dedek, Helge, 2011. “The Splendour of Form: Scholastic Jurisprudence and ‘Irrational Formality’”, Law and Humanities, 5 (2): 349-383.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
DellaPergola, Sergio, 2015. “Chapter 19: World Jewish Population, 2014” in Dashefsky, A. and Sheskin, I., eds., American Jewish Year Book 2014: The Annual Record of the North American Jewish Communities (New York, Springer : 300-393).Google Scholar
Doumani, Beshara, 2006. “Le contrat salam et les relations ville-campagne dans la Palestine ottomane”, Annales, 61 (4): 901-924.Google Scholar
Dunn, James D. G., 2008. The New Perspective on Paul, second ed. (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans).Google Scholar
Dyer, Christopher, 1989. Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c. 1200-1520 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Eichbauer, Melodie H. 2013. “Gratian’s Decretum and the Changing Historiographical Landscape”, History Compass, 11 (12): 1111-1125.Google Scholar
Ekelund, Robert B. Jr, Hébert, Robert F. and Tollison, Robert D., 1989. “An Economic Model of the Medieval Church: Usury as a Form of Rent Seeking”, Journal of Law, Economics, & Organization 5 (2): 307-331.Google Scholar
El-Gamal, Mahmoud A., 2006. Islamic Finance: Law, Economics, and Practice (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Falk, Ze’ev Wilhelm, 2001. Hebrew Law in Biblical Times: An Introduction (Warsaw, Eisenbrauns).Google Scholar
Floor, Willem, 2001. “The Economic Role of the Ulama in Qajar Persia” in Walbridge, L. S., ed., The Most Learned of the Shi‘a: The Institution of the Marja‘ Taqlid (Oxford, Oxford University Press: 53-81).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Galbraith, John K., 1987. A History of Economics: The Past as the Present (London, Hamish Hamilton).Google Scholar
Gamoran, Hillel, 2008. Jewish Law in Transition: How Economic Forces Overcame the Prohibition Against Lending on Interest (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Geanakoplos, Deno J., 1965. “Church and State in the Byzantine Empire: A Reconsideration of the Problem of Caesaropapism”, Church History, 34 (4): 381-403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gerber, Haim, 1981. “Jews and Money-Lending in the Ottoman Empire”, The Jewish Quarterly Review, 72 (2): 100-118.Google Scholar
Gerber, Haim, 1999. Islamic Law and Culture 1600-1840 (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Ghazanfar, Shaikh M. and Azim Islahi, A., 1990. “Economic Thought of an Arab Scholastic: Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali (AH 450-505/AD 1058-1111)”, History of Political Economy, 22 (2): 381-403.Google Scholar
Glaeser, Edward L. and Scheinkman, Jose A., 1998. “Neither A Borrower nor A Lender be: An Economic Analysis of Interest Restrictions and Usury Laws 1”, The Journal of Law and Economics, 41 (1): 1-36.Google Scholar
Goitein, Shelomo Dov, 1967. A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, Vol. I: Economic Foundations (Berkeley, University of California Press).Google Scholar
Greif, Avner, 1994. “On the Political Foundations of the Late Medieval Commercial Revolution: Genoa during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries”, The Journal of Economic History, 54 (2): 271-287.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Habermas, Jürgen, 1997. “Modernity: An Unfinished Project” in Passerin d’Entrèves, M. and Benhabib, S., eds., Habermas and the Unfinished Project of Modernity: Critical Essays on the Philosophical Discourse of Modernity Vol. 9 (Cambridge, Press: 38-55).Google Scholar
Haldon, John, 2009. “Social Élites, Wealth, and Power” in Haldon, J., ed., A Social History of Byzantium (Malden, Wiley: 168-211).Google Scholar
Hallaq, Wael B., 1997. A History of Islamic Legal Theories: An Introduction to Sunni Usul Al-Fiqh (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Hallaq, Wael B., 2005. The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Hallaq, Wael B., 2009. Sharī‘a: Theory, Practice, Transformations (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Haran, Menahem, 1985. Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel: An Inquiry into Biblical Cult Phenomena and the Historical Setting of the Priestly School (Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns).Google Scholar
Haskins, Charles H., 1957. The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press).Google Scholar
Haskins, Charles H., 2002. The Rise of Universities (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers).Google Scholar
Hauréau, Barthélemy, 1891. Notices et extraits des quelques manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Vol. 2 (Paris, Libraire C. Klincksieck).Google Scholar
Helmholz, Richard H., 2010. The Spirit of Classical Canon Law (Athens, University of Georgia Press).Google Scholar
Himmelfarb, Martha, 1997. “‘A Kingdom of Priests’: The Democratization of the Priesthood in the Literature of Second Temple Judaism”, The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy, 6 (1): 89-104.Google Scholar
Hohenberg, Paul M. and Hollen Lees, Lynn, 1995. The Making of Urban Europe 1000-1994 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).Google Scholar
Holladay, John S Jr.., 2006. “Hezekiah’s Tribute, Long-Distance Trade, and the Wealth of Nations Ca. 1000–600 BC: A New Perspective” in Dever, W. G., Gitin, S., Wright, J. E. and Dessel, J. P., eds., Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in Honor of William G. Dever (Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns: 309-331).Google Scholar
Homolka, Walter, 2009. Das Jüdische Eherecht (Berlin, De Gruyter Recht).Google Scholar
Hosseini, Hamid, 1995. “Understanding the Market Mechanism before Adam Smith: Economic Thought in Medieval Islam”, History of Political Economy, 27 (3): 539-561.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ibn Mājah, Muḥammad ibn Yazīd, 1998 (d. 887/889 CE). Sunan Ibn Mājah, first ed. (Beirut, Dār al-Jīl).Google Scholar
İnalcik, Halil, 1970. “The Ottoman Economic Mind and Aspects of the Ottoman Economy” in Cook, M. A., ed., Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East (Oxford, Oxford University Press : 207-218).Google Scholar
Ismail, Muhammed Imran, 2010. “Legal Stratagems (Hiyal) and Usury in Islamic Commercial Law”, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham.Google Scholar
Jennings, Ronald C., 1973. “Loans and Credit in Early 17th Century Ottoman Judicial Records: The Shariah Court of Anatolian Kayseri”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 16 (2/3): 168-216.Google Scholar
Johansen, Baber, 1999. Contingency in a Sacred Law: Legal and Ethical Norms in the Muslim Fiqh (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Johansen, Baber, 2006. “Le contrat salam: droit et formation du capital dans l’empire abbasside”, Annales, 61 (4): 863-899.Google Scholar
Jomo, Kwame S., 1977. “Islam and Weber: Rodinson on the Implications of Religion for Capitalist Development”, The Developing Economies, 15 (2): 240-250.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jones, Eric, 2003. The European Miracle: Environments, Economies and Geopolitics in the History of Europe and Asia (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kaelber, Lutz, 2004. “Max Weber on Usury and Medieval Capitalism: From the History of Commercial Partnerships to the Protestant Ethic”, Max Weber Studies, 4 (1): 51-75.Google Scholar
Kamali, Mohammad Hashim, 2007. “Commodity Futures: An Islamic Legal Analysis”, Thunderbird International Business Review, 49 (3): 309-339.Google Scholar
Kaplan, Dana Evan, 2013. The New Reform Judaism: Challenges and Reflections (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press).Google Scholar
Katz, Jacob, 2000. Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages (Syracuse, Syracuse University Press).Google Scholar
Keddie, Nikki R., 1969. “The Roots of the Ulama’s Power in Modern Iran”, Studia Islamica, 29: 31-53.Google Scholar
Kerridge, Eric, 2002. Usury, Interest and the Reformation (Farnham, Ashgate).Google Scholar
Khalil, Emad H., 2006. “An Overview of the Sharia’s Prohibition of Riba” in Thomas, A., ed., Interest in Islamic Economics: Understanding Riba (New York: Routledge : 55-68).Google Scholar
Kindleberger, Charles P., 2006. A Financial History of Western Europe (Abingdon, Routledge).Google Scholar
Klager, Andrew P., 2010. “Balthasar Hubmaier’s use of the Church Fathers: Availability, access and interaction”, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 84 (1): 5-65.Google Scholar
Klawans, Jonathan, 2006. Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism (Oxford, Oxford University Press).Google Scholar
Koyama, Mark, 2010. “Evading the ‘Taint of Usury’: The Usury Prohibition as a Barrier to Entry”, Explorations in Economic History, 47 (4): 420-442.Google Scholar
Kuran, Timur, 2010. The Long Divergence: How Islamic Law Held Back the Middle East (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Kurzman, Charles, 2002. “Introduction” in Kurzman, Ch., ed., Modernist Islam 1840-1940: A Sourcebook (Oxford, Oxford University Press : 3-27).Google Scholar
Kuttner, Stephan, 1941. “The Father of the Science of Canon Law”, Jurist, 1: 2-19.Google Scholar
Laiou, Angeliki E., 2002. “The Byzantine Economy: An Overview” in The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Vol. 3, (Washington, Dumbarton Oaks: 1145-1164).Google Scholar
Laiou, Angeliki E., 2003. “Economic Concerns and Attitudes of the Intellectuals of Thessalonike”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 57: 205-223.Google Scholar
Langholm, Odd, 1998. The Legacy of Scholasticism in Economic Thought: Antecedents of Choice and Power (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Lapin, Hayim, 1995. “Early Rabbinic Civil Law and the Literature of the Second Temple Period”, Jewish Studies Quarterly, 2 (2): 149-183.Google Scholar
Le Goff, Jacques, 1988. Your Money Or Your Life: Economy and Religion in the Middle Ages (New York: Zone Books).Google Scholar
Leiner, Y., 2003. “Guide to Arranging a Heter Iska” Dei’Ah veDibur, February 19.Google Scholar
Leo, I, 1895 (d. 461). “Sermons”, trans. C. L. Feltoe, in Schaff, P. and Wace, H., eds., A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Vol. 12 (Oxford, James Parker: 115-205).Google Scholar
Lerner, Daniel, 1965. The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York, Free Press).Google Scholar
Lipka, Michael, 2016. “Unlike U.S., Few Jews in Israel Identify as Reform or Conservative”, Pew Research Center Fact Tank. March 15. Available online at http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/03/15/unlike-u-s-few-jews-in-israel-identify-as-reform-or-conservative/. Accessed April 3, 2016.Google Scholar
Lopez, Robert S., 1976. The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages, 950-1350 (Cambridge, England, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Lundbom, Jack R. 2013, Deuteronomy: A Commentary (Grand Rapids, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing).Google Scholar
Luther, Martin, 1857 [1566]. The Table-Talk of Martin Luther (Tischreden) translated by Hazlitt, W. (London, H. G. Bohn).Google Scholar
Maimonides, Moses, 1988 (1170-1180). Mishneh Torah (New York, Moznaim).Google Scholar
Maitland, Frederic W., 1898. Roman Canon Law in the Church of England: Six Essays (London, Methuen & Co).Google Scholar
Maloney, Robert P., 1973. “The Teaching of the Fathers on Usury: An Historical Study on the Development of Christian Thinking”, Vigiliae Christianae, 27 (4): 241-265.Google Scholar
Mann, Michael, 2012. The Sources of Social Power , Volume 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Massad, Joseph A., 2001. Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan (New York, Columbia University Press).Google Scholar
Masud, Muhammad K., 2009. “Ikhtilaf al-Fuqaha: Diversity in Fiqh as a Social Construction”, in Anwar, Z., ed., Wanted: Equality and Justice in the Muslim Family (Petaling Jaya, Musawah: 65-94).Google Scholar
Matthews, Nathan, 1921. “The Valuation of Property in the Roman Law”, Harvard Law Review, 34 (3): 229-259.Google Scholar
Moaddel, Mansoor, 1994. Class, Politics and Ideology in the Iranian Revolution (New York, Columbia University Press).Google Scholar
Moaddel, Mansoor, 2001. “Conditions for Ideological Production: The Origins of Islamic Modernism in India, Egypt, and Iran”, Theory and Society, 30 (5): 669-731.Google Scholar
Moser, Thomas, 2000. “The Idea of Usury in Patristic Literature”, in Canon in the History of Economics: Critical Essays, Vol. 28 (New York: Routledge: 24-44).Google Scholar
Muslim, ibn al-Ḥajjāj al-Qushayrī, 1972 (d. 875). Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim (Beirut, Dār Iḥyāʼ al-Turāth al-ʻArabī).Google Scholar
Nasāʼī, Aḥmad ibn Shuʻayb, 1991 (d. 915 CE). Sunan Al-Nasāʼī (Beirut, Dār al-Maʻrifah).Google Scholar
Nelson, Benjamin N., 1949. The Idea of Usury: From Tribal Brotherhood to Universal Otherhood (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Neufeld, Edward, 1955. “The Prohibitions Against Loans at Interest in Ancient Hebrew Laws”, Hebrew Union College Annual, 26: 355-412.Google Scholar
Neusner, Jacob, 1973. “Pharisaic-Rabbinic Judaism: A Clarification”, History of Religions, 12 (3): 250-270.Google Scholar
Neusner, Jacob, 1993. Conserving Conservative Judaism: Reconstructionist Judaism (New York, Garland Publishing).Google Scholar
Neusner, Jacob, 2002. The Halakhah: Religious and Historical Perspectives (Boston, Brill).Google Scholar
Nielsen, Jørgen S., 1985. Secular Justice in an Islamic State: Maẓālim Under the Baḥrī Mamlūks 662/1264-789/1387 (Leiden, Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul).Google Scholar
Noonan, John Thomas, 1957. The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (Cambridge, Harvard University Press).Google Scholar
Noonan, John Thomas, 1979. “Gratian Slept Here: The Changing Identity of the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law”, Traditio, 35: 145-172.Google Scholar
Noth, Martin, 1981. The Deuteronomistic History (Sheffield, JSOT Press).Google Scholar
Oberman, Heiko Augustinus, 2006. Luther: Man between God and the Devil (New Haven, Yale University Press).Google Scholar
Ohrenstein, Roman and Gordon, Barry, 2009. Economic Analysis in Talmudic Literature: Rabbinic Thought in the Light of Modern Economics, third revised edition (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Orlian, Meir, 2009. “Heter Iska 101 (IPES)”, The Jewish Press, May 15.Google Scholar
Panofsky, Erwin, 1957. Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism: An Inquiry into the Analogy of the Arts, Philosophy, and Religion in the Middle Ages (New York, New American Library).Google Scholar
Parsons, Talcott and Shils, Edward, 2001. Toward a General Theory of Action: Theoretical Foundations for the Social Sciences (Piscataway, Transaction).Google Scholar
Pelikan, Jaroslav, 1985. The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, Volume 4: Reformation of Church and Dogma (1300-1700) (Chicago, University of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
Pennington, Kenneth, 2014. “The Biography of Gratian, the Father of Canon Law”, Villanova Law Review, 59: 679-706.Google Scholar
Peters, Edward, 1991. “What Canon Lawyers are and Aren’t”, This Rock, November: 19–22.Google Scholar
Philo of Alexandria, 1939 (d. 40 CE). On the Special Laws, Book 4: On the Virtues; On Rewards and Punishments (Cambridge, Harvard University Press).Google Scholar
Pitluck, Aaron Z., 2012. “Islamic Banking and Finance: Alternative or Façade?” in Cetina, K. K. and Preda, A., eds., The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Finance (Oxford, Oxford University Press: 431-449).Google Scholar
Polanyi, Karl, 1977. The Livelihood of Man (New York, Academic Press).Google Scholar
Posner, Eric A., 1995. “Contract Law in the Welfare State: A Defense of the Unconscionability Doctrine, Usury Laws, and Related Limitations on the Freedom to Contract”, Journal of Legal Studies, 24: 283-319.Google Scholar
Quataert, Donald, 1994. “The Age of Reforms, 1812–1914” in İnalcık, H. and Quataert, D., eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Vol. 2 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 759-944).Google Scholar
Ramadan, Tariq, 2004. Western Muslims and the Future of Islam (Oxford, Oxford University Press).Google Scholar
Ray, Nicholas D., 1997. “The Medieval Islamic System of Credit and Banking: Legal and Historical Considerations”, Arab Law Quarterly, 12 (1): 43-90.Google Scholar
Raymond of P afort , 1529 (ca. 1234–1236). Summa De Casibus Poenitentiae (microfilm of Latin codex) (Vatican City (originally handwritten Germany): Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana).Google Scholar
Reed, Clyde G. and Bekar, Cliff T., 2003. “Religious Prohibitions Against Usury”, Explorations in Economic History, 40 (4): 347-368.Google Scholar
Reisman, Yisroel, 1995. The Laws of Ribbis: The Laws of Interest and Their Application to Everyday Life and Business (Brooklyn, Mesorah).Google Scholar
Rodinson, Maxime, 1974. Islam and Capitalism (London: Allen Jane).Google Scholar
Rodkinson, Michael L., 1918. The Babylonian Talmud , translated by M. L. Rodkinson: Section Jurisprudence (Damages), Tract Baba Metzia (Middle Gate Part I), edited by Wise, Isaac M., second edition, Vol. 3. (Boston, The Talmud Society).Google Scholar
Rolker, Christof, 2010. Canon Law and the Letters of Ivo of Chartres (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Rubin, Jared, 2011. “Institutions, the Rise of Commerce and the Persistence of Laws: Interest Restrictions in Islam and Christianity”, The Economic Journal, 121 (557): 1310-1339.Google Scholar
Rudnyckyj, Daromir, 2014. “Economy in Practice: Islamic Finance and the Problem of Market Reason”, American Ethnologist, 41 (1): 110-127.Google Scholar
Rustow, Marina. 2010. “A Petition to a Woman at the Fatimid Court (413-414 AH/1022-23 CE)”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 73 (01): 1-27.Google Scholar
Saeed, Abdullah, 1996. Islamic Banking and Interest: A Study of the Prohibition of Riba and its Contemporary Interpretation (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Sagi, Avi, 1995. “Models of Authority and the Duty of Obedience in Halakhic Literature”, AJS Review, 20 (1): 1-24.Google Scholar
Saleh, Nabil A., 1986. Unlawful Gain and Legitimate Profit in Islamic Law: Riba Gharar and Islamic Banking (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Sanders, Ed Parish, 1983. Paul, the Law and the Jewish People (Minneapolis, Fortress Press).Google Scholar
Schacht, Joseph, 1936. “Ḥiyal.” Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Schluchter, Wolfgang, 1985. The Rise of Western Rationalism: Max Weber’s Developmental History (Berkeley, University of California Press).Google Scholar
Schluchter, Wolfgang, 1999. “Hindrances to Modernity: Max Weber on Islam”, in Huff, T. H. and Schluchter, W., Max Weber and Islam (London, Transaction Publishers).Google Scholar
Schneider, Yossi, 2011. “New Lakewood Bank Becomes First Ever to have Heter Iska on All Transactions”, Matzav.Com.Google Scholar
Schwartz, Seth, 2009. Imperialism and Jewish Society: 200 B.C.E. to 640 C.E. (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Sherwin, Byron L., 1990. In Partnership with God: Contemporary Jewish Law and Ethics (Syracuse, Syracuse University Press).Google Scholar
Siddiqi, Muhammad Nejatullah, 1983. Banking without Interest Vol. 5 (Leicester, Islamic Foundation).Google Scholar
Silver, Morris, 1983. Prophets and Markets: The Political Economy of Ancient Israel (Boston, Kluwer-Nijhoff).Google Scholar
Simons, Menno, 1871 (d. 1561). The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, John F. Funk & Brother).Google Scholar
Soloveitchik, Haym, 1970. “Pawnbroking: A Study in Ribbit and of the Halakah in Exile”, Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, 38/39: 203-268.Google Scholar
Sombart, Werner, 1915. The Quintessence of Capitalism: A Study of the History and Psychology of the Modern Business Man, trans. Epstein, M. (New York, E. P. Dutton).Google Scholar
Southern, Richard W., 1995. Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe, Vol. 1 (Oxford, Blackwell).Google Scholar
Stein, Siegfried, 1953. “The Laws on Interest in the Old Testament”, The Journal of Theological Studies, 4 (2): 161-170.Google Scholar
Stemberger, Guenter, 2000. “The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism 70-640 CE”, in Neusner, J. and Avery-Peck, A. J. The Blackwell Companion to Judaism (Oxford, Blackwell : 78-92).Google Scholar
Swedberg, Richard, 1998. Max Weber and the Idea of Economic Sociology (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Talbot, Alice-Mary, 2009. “A Monastic World” in Haldon, J., ed., A Social History of Byzantium (Malden, Wiley : 257-278).Google Scholar
Tan, Elaine S., 2002. “An Empty Shell? Rethinking the Usury Laws in Medieval Europe”, The Journal of Legal History, 23 (3): 177-196.Google Scholar
Tawney, Richard H. 1963 [1926]. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (New York, Mentor).Google Scholar
Tebbutt, Melanie, 1983. Making Ends Meet: Pawnbroking and Working-Class Credit (Leicester, Leicester University Press).Google Scholar
Tillier, Mathieu, 2009. “Qāḍīs and the Political Use of the Maẓālim Jurisdiction Under the ‘Abbāsids”, in Lange, Ch. and Fierro, M., eds., Public Violence in Islamic Societies: Power, Discipline, and the Construction of the Public Sphere, 7th-19th Centuries CE (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press: 42-66).Google Scholar
Tilly, Charles, 1992. Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992 (Malden, Blackwell).Google Scholar
Tirmidhī, Muḥammad ibn ʻĪsá. 1965 (884 CE). Jāmiʻ Al-Tirmidhī (Medina, al-Maktabat al-Salafīyah).Google Scholar
Troeltsch, Ernst, 1958. Protestantism and Progress: A Historical Study of the Relation of Protestantism to the Modern World (Boston, Beacon Press).Google Scholar
Tyan, Emile, 1960. Histoire de l’organisation judiciaire en pays d’islam (Leiden, Brill).Google Scholar
Udovitch, Abraham L., 1970. Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Warde, Ibrahim, 2010. Islamic Finance in the Global Economy, second ed. (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press.)Google Scholar
Weber, Max, 1946 [1915]. “Religious Rejections of the World and their Directions” in Gerth, H. H. and Wright Mills, C., eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, Oxford University Press: 323-359).Google Scholar
Weber, Max, 1946 [1918-1919]. “Science as a Vocation” Gerth, H. H. and Wright Mills, C., eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, Oxford University Press : 129-156).Google Scholar
Weber, Max, 1978 [1922]. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, edited by Roth, G. and Wittich, C. (Berkeley, University of California Press).Google Scholar
Weber, Max, 2002 [1905]. The Protestant Ethic and the “Spirit” of Capitalism and Other Writings (New York, Penguin Classics).Google Scholar
Weber, Max, 2003 [1889]. The History of Commercial Partnerships in the Middle Ages (Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield).Google Scholar
Wilson, Robert R. 1983. “Israel’s Judicial System in the Preexilic Period”, The Jewish Quarterly Review, 74 (2): 229-248.Google Scholar
Winroth, Anders, 2000. The Making of Gratian’s Decretum (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Winroth, Anders, 2013. “Where Gratian Slept: The Life and Death of the Father of Canon Law”, Zeitschrift Der Savigny-Stiftung Für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung, 99 (1): 105-128.Google Scholar
Witte, John, 2002. Law and Protestantism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Woloson, Wendy A., 2007. “In Hock: Pawning in Early America”, Journal of the Early Republic, 27 (1): 35-81.Google Scholar
Wood, Diana, 2002. Medieval Economic Thought (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Wright, Nicholas T., 1993. Climax of the Covenant: Christ and the Law in Pauline Theology (London, A. & C. Black).Google Scholar
Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, 2010. The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton, Princeton University Press).Google Scholar
Zimmermann, Reinhard, 1996. The Law of Obligations: Roman Foundations of the Civilian Tradition (Oxford, Oxford University Press).Google Scholar
Zubaida, Sami. 2005. Law and Power in the Islamic World (New York, I. B. Tauris).Google Scholar