Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-4rdpn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-14T09:30:00.007Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The construction of collective identity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt
Affiliation:
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem(Jerusalem).
Bernhard Giesen
Affiliation:
European University Institute(Florence).
Get access

Abstract

A general typological model for the analysis of collective identify is outlined and applied to the case of German and Japanese national identity. Primordial, civic and cultural codes of boundary construction are described with respect to their logic of exclusion, corresponding rituals etc. German national identity is presented as a cultural project carried by the ‘Bildungsbürgertum’, whereas the Japanese identity is presented as a combination of primordial and civic elements.

Nous traçons ici un modèle général typologique d'analyse de l'identité collective pour l'appliquer à l'identité nationale allemande et japonaise. Nous décrivons d'abord les codes civiques et culturels qui établissent une frontière en ce qui concerne la logique d'exdusion et les rituels qui en découlent. L'identité nationale allemande est présentée comme un projet culturel issu du ≪ Bildungsbürgertum ≫ (Éducation bourgeoise), tandis que l'identité japonaise est présentée comme un mélange d'éléments fondamentaux et civiques.

Wir skizzieren ein allgemeines typologisches Modell zur Analyse kollektiver Identität und wenden es auf die deutsche und japanische Volksidentität an. Die Beschreibung bürgerlicher und kultureller Indizes, die zum Aufbau eines Abgrenzungsgebildes beitragen, bezieht die Ausschlußmechanismen und deren Riten mit ein. Die deutsche Identität wird als kulturelles, vom Bildungsbürgertum getragenes Projekt beschrieben, während die japanische Identität als eine Mischung aus fundamentalen und bürgerlichen Elementen beschrieben wird.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Archives Européenes de Sociology 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

(1) Notable exceptions are: Pizzorno, A., Identità e interesse, in Sciolla, L. (ed.), Identità (Torino, 1983)Google Scholar; Shils, E.O., Society and Collective Self-Consciousness, unpublished paper (Chicago, 1993), 61 p.Google Scholar; Calhoun, C., The Problem of Identity in Collective Action, in Huber, J. (ed.), Macro-Micro Linkages in Sociology (London, 1991), 5175Google Scholar; Melucci, A., Nomads of the Present (London, 1989)Google Scholar; Münch, R., Das Projekt Europa (Frankfurt, 1993)Google Scholar.

(2) Cf. Gellner, E., Nations and nationalism (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar; Anderson, B., Imagined Communities (London, 1983)Google Scholar; Hobsbawn, E.J., Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar; Alter, P., Nationalismus (Frankfurt/M., 1985)Google Scholar; Brubaker, R., Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass, 1992)Google Scholar; Greenfeld, L., Nationalism. Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge Mass, 1992)Google Scholar. For an almost classical analysis cf. Bendix, R., Nation-building and Citizenship (Berkeley, 1964) (also includes a comparison between Germany and Japan)Google Scholar; also Deutsch, K.W., Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass, 1966)Google Scholar; Hayes, C.J.H., Nationalism. A Religion (New York, 1960)Google Scholar; Hroch, M., Social Conditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Composition of special Groups among smaller European Nations (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar; Tilly, C., Coercion, Capital and European States AD 990–1980 (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar; Breuilly, J., Nationalism and the State (Manchester, 1982)Google Scholar.

For the anti-constructivist primordialist position cf. Armstrong, J.A., Nations before Nationalism (Chapel Hill, 1992)Google Scholar; Smith, A.D., The Ethnic Origin of Nations (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar; Connor, W., Ethnonationalism. The Quest of Understanding (Princeton, 1994)Google Scholar.

(3) For a more detailed presentation of this model cf. Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993)Google Scholar.

(4) e.g. Hechter, M., Principles of Group Solidarity (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1987)Google Scholar.

(5) See Douglas, M., Natural Symbols. Explorations in Cosmology (New York, 1982)Google Scholar. See also with special emphasis on the different, media-dependent modes of collective remembering Assmann, J., Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (München, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(6) See Barth, F. (ed), Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Cultural Difference (Boston, 1969)Google Scholar.

(7) Gennep, A. van, The Rites of Passage (London, 1960)Google Scholar.

(8) Cohen, A. P., The Symbolic Construction of Community (London, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boon, J. A., Other Tribes, Other Scribes. Symbolic Anthropology in the Comparative Study of Cultures, Histories, Religions, and Texts (Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar; Zerubavel, E., The Fine Line. Making Distinctions in Everyday Life (New York, 1991)Google Scholar. There are some interesting parallels between these sociological perspectives and the distinction-based calculus of indications by Spencer-Brown, G., Laws of form (New York, 1979)Google Scholar.

(9) Giesen, B., Die Entdinglichung des Sozialen. Eine evolutionstheoretische Perspektive auf die Postmoderne (Frankfurt/M., 1991)Google Scholar.

(10) See Lévi-Strauss, C., Gibt es dualistische Organisationen?, in Lévi-Strauss, C., Strukturale Anthropologie I (Frankfurt/M., 1971), 148180Google Scholar; Spencer-Brown, G., Laws of form (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; Peirce, C. S., Phänomen und Logik der Zeichen, edited and translated by Pape, H. (Frankfurt/M., 1983)Google Scholar; Dumézil, G., L'idéologie tripartite des Indo-Européens, Collection Latomus, vol. XXXI (Bruxelles, 1958)Google Scholar; Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993)Google Scholar.

(11) See Schütz, A., Der sinnhafte Aufbau der sozialen Welt (Vienna, 1932)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(12) This logic of construction which locates the identity in the mediating realm, has an important implication if we believe in a certain parallel between the logic of construction and the evolutionary genesis of constructions. It implies a certain and limited analogy, or close homology, between the order of the center, the present and the subject on the one hand, and the order of the far distant realms, of the past and the future, of God and the world, on the other. Transferring the structure of the known to the unknown, of the familiar to the unfamiliar, of the present to the past and the future, imaging God according to the human subject, etc., are well-known strategies of understanding and observation. The analogical coding of the world, of course, does not wipe out the fact that there are fundamental differences between past and present, center and distance, subject and world: we cannot change the past, the world outside is not entirely to be trusted, etc. See Piaget, J., Genetic Epistemology (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Shils, E., Center and Periphery. Essays in Macro-Sociology (Chicago, 1975)Google Scholar.

(13) See Lévi-Strauss, C., Strukturale Anthropologie I (Frankfurt/M., 1971)Google Scholar.

(14) See Kristeva, J., Fremde sind wir uns selbst (Frankfurt/M., 1990)Google Scholar.

(15) See Shils, E., Center and Periphery. Essays in Macro-Sociology (Chicago, 1975), 111 ffGoogle Scholar.

(16) For the concept of entitlements cf. Sen, A., Poverty and Famines (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Dahrendorf, R., The Modern Social Conflict. An Essay on the Politics of Liberty (Berkeley / Los Angeles, University of Cal. Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

(17) See Shils, E., Center and Periphery. Essays in Macro-sociology (Chicago, 1975)Google Scholar; Eisenstadt, S.N./Rokkan, S. (eds), Building States and Nations, 2. vols. (Beverly Hills, 1973)Google Scholar; Geertz, C., The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiment and Civil Politics in the New States, in Geertz, C., The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, Basic Books, 1973), 255310Google Scholar; Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993)Google Scholar.

(18) See Gennep, A. van, The Rites of Passage (London, 1960)Google Scholar; Turner, V. T., The Ritual Process. Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell U.P., 1969)Google Scholar. For modern societies it seems to be useful to distinguish between the performance of ritual as a duty and theater as a choice. See Wagner-Pacifici, R. E., The Moro Morality Play. Terrorism as Social Drama (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

(19) See Barthes, R., Mythologies (Paris, 1957)Google Scholar; Douglas, M., How Institutions think (Syracuse / New York, Syracuse University Press, 1986), p. 48Google Scholar.

(20) For a general account of this discoursive strategy which became predominant especially within the realm of modern aesthetics see Köhler, E., Je ne sais quoi—Zur Begriffsgeschichte des Unbegreiflichen, in Köhler, E., Esprit und arkadische Freiheit (Frankfurt, 1966), 230286Google Scholar.

(21) Dumont, L., Homo Hierarchicus. The Caste System and its Implications. Complete Revised English Edition (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1980)Google Scholar, Appendix D: Nationalism and Communalism, 314ff.

(22) Shils, E., Tradition (Chicago, 1981)Google Scholar.

(23) For the conception of habitualization see Berger, P.L./Luckmann, T., The Social Construction of Reality (New York, 1966), chapter II.1Google Scholar; for Bourdieu's concept of ‘habitus’, see Bourdieu, P., La distinction. Critique sociale du jugement (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar.

(24) This of course is due to the fact that tacit and formal knowledge are not of the same order. Cf. Polanyi, M., Personal Knowledge. Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1962), 87 ffGoogle Scholar.

(25) Cf. Shils, E., Tradition (Chicago, 1981)Google Scholar.

(26) Tenbruck, F. H., Die kulturellen Grundlagen der Gesellschaft (Opladen, 1989)Google Scholar.

(27) See Eisenstadt, S. N. (ed.), Kulturen der Achsenzeit. Ihre institutionelle und kulturelle Dynamik, 2 vols. (Frankfurt/M., 1987)Google Scholar.

(28) In the Weberian tradition see Eisenstadt, S.N., op. cit., 1987 and The Axial Age: The Emergence of Transcendental Visions and the Rise of Clerics, Archives Européennes de Sociologie, XXIII, 1982, 294314Google Scholar.

(29) See Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993), 61 ffGoogle Scholar.

(30) See Eisenstadt, S. N. (ed.), op. cit., 1987.

(31) Plessner, H., Die verspätete Nation (Stuttgart, 1959)Google Scholar.

(32) Meinecke, F., Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat (München-Berlin, 1908)Google Scholar; Kohn, H., The Idea of Nationalism (New York, 1944)Google Scholar; for newer approaches to the German type of ‘Bildungsbürger’ see Vierhaus, R., Umrisse einer Sozialgeschichte der Gebildeten in Deutschland, in: Vierhaus, R., Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1987), 167182Google Scholar; Lepsius, M. R., Zur Soziologie des Bürgertums und der Bürgerlichkeit, in: Kocka, J. (ed.), Bürger und Bürgerlichkeit im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1987), 79100Google Scholar; Conze, W. et al. (eds), Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, Vol. 1–4 (Stuttgart, 1985ff.)Google Scholar; Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993)Google Scholar.

(33) Ruppert, W., Bürgerlicher Wandel (Frankfurt, 1983)Google Scholar; Engelhardt, U., »Bildungsbürgertum». Begriffs- und Dogmengeschichte eines Etiketts (Stuttgart, 1986)Google Scholar; Rüsche-Meyer, D., Bourgeoisie, Staat und Bildungs-bürgertum. Idealtypische Modelle für die vergleichende Erforschung von Bürgertum und Bürgerlichkeit, in: Kocka, J. (ed.), Bürger und Bürgerlichkeit im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1987), 101120Google Scholar.

(34) Habermas, J., Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit-Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Neuwied, 1962)Google Scholar; Engelsing, R., Der Bürger als Leser (Stuttgart, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Engelsing, R., Die Perioden der Lesergeschichte in der Neuzeit, in: Engelsing, R., Zur Sozialgeschichte deutscher Mittel- und Unterschichten, 2, enlarged edition (Göttingen, 1978), 112154CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Welke, M., Gemeinsame Lektüre und frühe Formen von Gruppenbildungen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert: Zeitungslesen in Deutschland, in: Dann, O. (ed.), Lesegesellschaften und bürgerliche Emanzipation-Ein europäischer Vergleich (München, 1981), 2953Google Scholar.

(35) Dann, O., Einleitung, in: Dann, O. (ed.), Lesegesellschaften und bürgerliche Emanzipation -Ein europäischer Vergleich (München, 1981), 928.Google Scholar; Nipperdey, T., Der Verein als soziale Struktur in Deutschland im späten 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert, in: Nipperdey, T., Gesellschaft, Kultur, Theorie (Göttingen, 1976), 174205CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(36) Vierhaus, R., Patriotismus, in: Vierhaus, R., Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1987), 96109Google Scholar; Giesen, B. / Junge, K., Vom Patriotismus zum Nationalismus. Zur Evolution der »Deutschen Kulturnation« in: Giesen, B. (ed.), Nationale und kulturelle Identität. Studien zur Entwicklung des kollektiven Bewußtseins in der Neuzeit (Frankfurt/M., 1991), 255303Google Scholar; Brunner, O., Die Patriotische Gesellschaft in Hamburg, in: Brunner, O., Neue Wege der Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte, 3. Aufl. (Göttingen, 1980), 335344Google Scholar; Kaiser, G., Pietismus und Patriotismus im literarischen Deutschland: Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Säkularisierung (Frankfurt, 1973)Google Scholar; Kaiser, G., Klopstock als Patriot, in: Wiese, B. V./Henß, R. (eds), Nationalismus in Germanistik und Dichtung, Dokumentation des Germanistentages in München vom 17.–22. Oktober 1966 (Berlin, 1967), 145169Google Scholar; Prigniz, C., Vaterlandsliebe und Freiheit, Deutscher Patriotismus von 1750–1850 (Wiesbaden, 1981)Google Scholar; Schmitt-Sasse, J., Der Patriot und sein Vaterland. Aufklärer und Reformer im sächsischen Retablissement, in: Bödecker, H., E., et al. (ed.), Aufklärung als Politisierung-Politisierung als Aufklärung (Hamburg, 1987)Google Scholar.

(37) Kiesel, H. / Münch, P., Gesellschaft und Literatur im 18. Jahrhundert, Voraussetzungen und Entstehung des literarischen Markts in Deutschland (München, 1977)Google Scholar; Haferkorn, H. J., Zur Entstehung der bürgerlich-literarischen Intelligenz und des Schriftstellers im Deutschland zwischen 1750 und 1800, in: Lutz, B. (ed.), Deutsches Bürgertum und literarische Intelligenz 1750–1800, Literaturwissenschaft und Sozialwissenschaften 3 (Stuttgart, 1974), 113275Google Scholar; for more details see Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation, op. cit., 130–162.

(38) Brunschwig, H., Gesellschaft und Romantik in Preußen im 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1976)Google Scholar; Schulte-Sasse, J., Das Konzept bürgerlich-literarischen Öffentlichkeit und die historischen Gründe seines Zerfalls, in: Bürger, C. et al. (eds), Aufklärung und literarische Öffentlichkeit (Frankfurt/M., 1980), 83115Google Scholar; for the widespread role of the Hauslehrer see Fertig, L., Die Hofmeister. Befunde, Thesen, Fragen, in: Hermann, U. (ed.), Die Bildung des Bürgers. Die Formierung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und die Gebildeten im 18. Jahrhundert (Weinheim-Basel, 1982), 322328Google Scholar. Most of these arguments can already be found in Gerth, H., Bürgerliche Intelligenz um 1800 (Göttingen, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(39) Hocks, P. / Schmidt, P., Literarische und politische Zeitschriften 1789–1805 (Stuttgart, 1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(40) Heselhaus, C., Die Romantische Gruppe in Deutschland, in: Behler, E. (ed.), Die europäische Romantik (Paderborn, 1974), 44161Google Scholar; Giesen, B. / Junge, K., Vom Patriotismus zum Nationalismus. Zur Evolution der »Deutschen Kulturnation«, in: Giesen, B. (ed.), Nationale und kulturelle Identität (Frankfurt/M., 1991), 255303Google Scholar; Nedelmann, B., Georg Simmel, Emotion und Wechselwirkung in intimen Gruppen, in: Neidhardt, F., (ed.), Gruppensoziologie. Perspektiven und Materialien, Sonderband 25 der Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie (Opladen, 1983), 174209Google Scholar; Hahn, A., Konsensfiktionen in Kleingruppen. Dargestellt am Beispiel von jungen Ehen, in: ibid, 210–232.

(41) Hoffmann-Axthelm, I., Geisterfamilie Studien zur Geselligkeit der Frühromantik (Frankfurt/M., 1973)Google Scholar.

(42) Nipperdey, T., Auf der Suche nach Identität: Romantischer Nationalismus, in: Nipperdey, T.Nachdenken über die deutsche Geschichte (München, 1990), 132150Google Scholar.

(43) Cf. e.g. Ast, Fr., Mythologie als Nationaldichtung, in: Kluckhohn, P. (ed.), Die Idee des Volkes im Schrifttum der deutschen Bewegung von Möser und Herder bis Grimm (Berlin, 1934), p. 63Google Scholar.

(44) For more details see Giesen, B./Junge, K., op.cit., 1991, 286ff.

(45) Nipperdey, T., Preußen und die Universität, in: Nipperdey, T., Nachdenken über die deutsche Geschichte (München, 1990), 169188Google Scholar; Nipperdey, T., Probleme der Modernisierung in Deutschland, in: ibid, 2–70.

(46) Mosse, G. L., Die Nationalisierung der Massen. Politische Symbolik und Massenbewegung in Deutschland von den napoleonischen Kriegen bis zum 3. Reich (Frankfurt/M.-Berlin, 1976)Google Scholar; Düding, D., Organisierter gesellschaftlicher Nationalismus 1808–1847. Bedeutung und Funktion der Turner—und Sängervereine für die deutsche Nationalbewegung (München, 1984)Google Scholar; Düding, D./Friedmann, P./Münch, P. (eds), Öffentliche Festkultur. Politische Feste in Deutschland von der Aufklärung bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Hamburg, 1988)Google Scholar; Dann, O., Nationalismus und sozialer Wandel in Deutschland 1806–1850, in Dann, O. (ed.), Nationalisms und sozialer Wandel (Hamburg, 1978), 77128Google Scholar.

(47) Giesen, B., Die Intellektuellen und die Nation (Frankfurt/M., 1993), p. 168Google Scholar.

(48) Hömberg, W., Zeitgeist und Ideenschmuggel. Die Kommunikationsstrategie des Jungen Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Köster, U., Literarischer Radikalismus. Zeitbewußtsein und Geschichtsphilosophie in der Entwicklung vom Jungen Deutschland zur Hegelschen Linken (Frankfurt/M., 1972)Google Scholar; Köster, U., Literatur und Gesellschaft in Deutschland 1830–48. Dichtung am Ende der Kunstperiode (Stuttgart, 1984)Google Scholar.

(49) Löwith, K. (ed.), Die Hegelsche Linke. Einleitung (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstadt, 1962), 738Google Scholar; Meyer, G., Die Anfänge des politischen Radikalismus im vormärzlichem Preußen, in: Meyer, G. (ed.), Radikalismus, Sozialismus und bürgerliche Demokratie (Frankfurt/M., 1969), 7107Google Scholar; Eßbach, W., Die Junghegelianer. Soziologie einer Intellektuellengruppe (München, 1978)Google Scholar.

(50) Wende, P., Radikalismus im Vormärz. Untersuchungen zur politischen Theorie der frühen deutschen Demokratie (Wiesbaden, 1975)Google Scholar. For the theorists of the ‘Weltgeist’ in search of a historical agent see Eßbach, W., op. cit., 1978.

(51) Nipperdey, T., Volksschule und Revolution im Vormärz. Eine Fallstudie zur Modernisierung II, in: Nipperdey, T., Gesellschaft, Kultur, Theorie (Göttingen, 1976), 206227CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(52) The discourse of the intellectuals was dominated by the pluralistic vision of Herder, but in the different processes of trivialisation developed the much discussed ‘germanism’. See Kohn, H., The Idea of Nationalism (New York, 1944)Google Scholar.

(53) Mosse, G.L., The Crisis of German Ideology (New-York, 1964)Google Scholar; Stern, F., The Politics of Cultural Despair. A Study in the Rise of Germanic Ideology (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1961)Google Scholar.

(54) The following analysis is based on Eisenstadt's, S.N.Japanese Civilization-A Comparative View (University of Chicago Press, 1995) (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

(55) Kitagawa, J.M., On Understanding Japanese Religion (Princeton N.J., Princeton University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

(56) Rozman, G. (ed.), The East Asian Religion, Confucian Heritage and its Modern Adoption (Princeton N.J., Princeton University Press, 1991)Google Scholar. See also J.M. Kitagawa, On Understanding Japanese Religion, op. cit.

(57) Waida, M., Buddhism and the National Community, in: Reynolds, F.E. / Ludwig, T.M. (eds), Transactions and Transformations in the History of Religions (London, E.J. Bailly, 1980)Google Scholar. See also Blacker, C., Two Shinto Myths: The Golden Age and the Chosen people, in Henny, C. and Lehman, J.-P. (eds), Themes and Theories in modern Japanese History (Atlantic Highlands, N.J, Athlone Press, 1995), 6478Google Scholar; and Werblowski, J.R., Beyond Tradition and Modernity (Atlantic Highlands, N.J, Athlone Press, 1976)Google Scholar.

(58) Carrithers, M., They will be Lords upon the Islands: Buddhism in Sri Lanka, in: Bechert, H. / Gombrich, R. (eds), The World of Buddhism (London, Thames & Hudson, 1984, 1991), p. 11Google Scholar; see also Kapferer, B., Legends of People, Myths of State-Violence, Intolerance and Political Culture in Sri Lanka and Australia (Washington D. C., The Smithsonian Institute, 1984), esp. part IGoogle Scholar.

(59) Nakamura, H., Ways of thinking of Eastern people (Honolulu, East-West Center Press, 1964)Google Scholar.

(60) A. Grappard's analysis is very pertinent here: ‘Of the many techniques that were recommended for copying the Lotus Sutra, that which was called nyobokyo, or ‘Natural text’, enjoined one to refrain from using an animal-hair brush and to use instead grass and plants as brush, stones as ink, and to bow after each graph was copied, so that the natural character of the tools that were used would fit the natural character of the scripture that was copied. These epistemological directions led them to postulate that natural sounds were the sermon of the Buddha, and that the natural world was the body of Buddha. This ‘episteme of identity’ led them to manage a natural area in accordance with a vision which held that the Lotus Sutra was embodied in the mountain, and that the mountain was a ‘natural discourse’ expounding the Lotus Sutra. In other words, their perception of the world was already a sophisticated interpretation that was doctrinally related to the Tendai motto to the effect that ‘all animate and inanimate beings possess the buddha nature’, and to the proposition that ‘inanimate beings can expound the doctrine of the Buddha’. ‘… Foucault stipulates that the world, by means of this interplay of resemblances and likenesses, was as if forced to remain “identical”, in an identity in which “the same remains the same, riveted onto itself”. The world was filled with “signatures” in which similitudes could be recognized … A systematic study of combinatory cults supports this claim, and Kunisaki is a case in point because of its relation to the Hachiman cult. It is important to note that the apparent lack of distinction between religious and political realms in Japan means simply that Japanese society had a mythical vision of itself: first expressed in the Kojiki and in the Nihogi in the eighth century, it served as a structuring device of the sacred geographies that developed thereafter. In that vision, society and the world were conceived of as single sociocosm in which the pantheon of kami and its hierarchy were a mirror-image of the social construct and a mirror-image of the Buddhist pantheon. Furthermore, the world in which people lived was thought to be impacted by symbolic forces (such as those of stars or of diseases believed to originate in symbolic realms). In such a scheme the position of ritual was central, because people used it as an effective means to act over symbols. What one could qualify as the cosmonatural aspect of the sociocosm was the definition of nature according to mythology. That definition is clearly, though indirectly, given in the Kojiki in the myth relating the birth of fire, in which all the kami born before the birth of fire belong to the realm of nature whereas all the kami born after belong to the realm of culture’. Grappard, A. G., The Textualized Mountain-Enmountaind Text: the Lotus Sutra, in: Tanabe, S.J. and Tanabe, W.J. (eds), The Lotus Sutra in Japanese Culture (Honolulu, U. of Hawaii Press, 1984), 159191Google Scholar.

(61) Hsu, F., Iemoto (New York, J. Wiley, 1973)Google Scholar; Nakane, Ch., Japanese Society (London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970)Google Scholar; Murakami, Y., The Society as a Pattern of Civilization, Journal of Japanese Studies, 10, 2 (1984), 279364Google Scholar; Smith, R.J., Japanese Society, Self and the Social Order (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

(62) Nosco, P., Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

(63) Nakai, K. Wildman, The Naturalization of Confucianism in Tokugawa Japan: The Problem of Sinocentrism, Harvard Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 40 (1980), 157199CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nosco, P., Introduction: Neo-Confucianism and Tokugawa Discourse—An Idea, in: Nosco, P., Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

(64) A very interesting illustration of the persistence of such conceptions of the Japanese collectivity can be found in the attitude to Marxism of some very distinguished Japanese leftist intellectuals in the 20th century. In common with many Chinese intellectuals of such disposition, the Japanese ones like Kotuku or Kawakawi Hajime attempted to de-emphasize the ‘materialistic’ dimension of Marxism and infuse them with ‘spiritual’ values, with values of spiritualistic regeneration. But while most of such Chinese intellectuals tended to emphasize the transcendental and universalistic themes of ‘classical’ Confucianism, the Japanese ones emphasized the ‘kokutai’, the Japanese national community or essence. Cf. Hoston, G.A., A ‘Theology’ of Liberation? Socialist Revolution and Spiritual Regeneration in Chinese and Japanese Marxism, in: Cohen, P. A. and Goldman, M. (eds), Ideas Across Cultures-Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin J. Schwartz (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 165194CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

(65) See also Rozman (ed.), The East Asian Region, Confucian Heritage and its Modern Adoption, op. cit.

(66) As P. Nosco has put it: ‘For example, in a Confucian-inspired history of Japan, Hayasi Razan's (1583–1657) son, Hayuashi Gtraho (1618–1680) cast Tokugawa Yesaka in the classical guise of the newly appointed recipient of the mandate of heaven, equipping him both morally and spiritually for the task of human rulership. However, the obverse side of this issue—that heaven might withdraw its mandate from any specific regime—was of necessity skirted by all Tokugawa Confucian thinkers until the very last years of Tokugawa era’, in: Introduction, op. cit. (1984).

(67) Hsu, F., Filial Piety in Japan and China: Borrowing Variations and Significance, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Spring 1971, 5774Google Scholar; Webb, H.F., The Japanese Imperial Institution in the Tokugawa Period (New York, Columbia University Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

(68) McMullen, I.J., Rulers or Fathers? A Casuistical Problem in early modern Japanese Thought, Past and Present, No 116, 08 1987, 5698Google Scholar.

(69) H. Watanabe makes a similar observation: ‘This relationship of samurai and his lord is extremely different, in any phase, from that of the Chinese scholar-official and emperor. And of course it is dissimilar to the Neo-Confucian ideal of this relationship … A disciple of Zhu Xi wrote in the biography of his master. The master worried about the affairs of state all the time. When he heard the defects of the current administration, he was distressed. When he spoke of the deteriorated situation of the state, tears would at last drop from his eyes. However, he respected the ancient manner, Li that a virtuous man hesitates to serve. Therefore whenever he was offered an official position, he tried hard to decline it. He made much of the ancient manner, Li that a good vassal does not hesitate to resign. Therefore whenever his opinion did not coincide with the lord's he resigned immediately. He dared not impair the Way to get and keep his official position. He dared not compromise with vulgar opinions, because he had sympathy with the people … This is a very rationalistic relationship. There is no emotional attachment to the lord. He shied away from serving, because he respects the principle more…’ ‘… We can see the rationalistic, normative character of Zhu Xi's image of the lord-vassal relationship here. The contrast with samurai's relationship and his lord is really remarkable. And yet the Japanese Confucianists thought of samurai's relationship when they read Neo-Confucian teachings on the scholar-official's relationships. They must have been embarrassed sometimes. They understand that what they were talking about was quite different from what Chinese philosophers had talked about … So here too was a big task for Japanese Confucianists. It seems to me that most of them accepted or compromised with the samurai version of the loyalty relationship’. ‘… Unlike in China, in Japan a vasal's duty to the lord often came to be regarded as prior to this duty to his father, as many scholars have pointed out. And Confucianists almost unanimously applauded the deed of Ako masterless samurai, the hero of the famous play Chushingura, though there were a few conspicuous expections’. Watanabe, H., The Transformation of Neo-Confucianism in Early Tokugawa Japan,Paper presented at the conference on Confucianism of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences(Cambridge, Mass.,1992)Google Scholar.