Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T18:48:00.376Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Norms and Politics of Exit: Ending Postconflict Transitional Administrations

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2011

Abstract

While the impact of norms on post-conflict statebuilding operations has been well-explored in the literature, the ways in which the same normative frameworks affect the exit practices of such operations has so far remained unaddressed. To fill this gap, this paper examines the impact of the liberal-democratic norms governing statebuilding operations on the timing and process of exit of post-conflict international transitional administrations. To that end, it first examines the concept of exit, arguing that exit is best considered as a process rather than an event. The second section outlines the normative framework that has shaped postconflict statebuilding activities since the end of the cold war, and proposes three ways in which norms can affect exit: first, that norms act as blueprints for statebuilding and can thereby shape benchmarks for exit; second, that norms create “zones of permissibility” that explicitly commit statebuilders to a transitional presence and make exit central to the legitimacy of statebuilding operations; and third, that local actors strategically use norms, in particular those of self-determination and the taboo of permanent control of a territory, to push for an early exit of statebuilding operations. The third section explores both the scope and limitations of the three functions of norms with regard to exit in the context of a brief case study of UNMIK's exit from Kosovo. The article concludes with some observations about the impact of the findings for exit strategies of international actors from statebuilding operations.

Type
Postwar Justice and the Responsibility to Rebuild
Copyright
Copyright © Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 The literature on exit is still limited. But seeCaplan, Richard, “After Exit: Successor Missions and Peace Consolidation,” Civil Wars 8, no. 3–4 (2006), pp. 253–67; Rose, Gideon, “The Exit Strategy Delusion,” Foreign Affairs 77, no. 1 (1998);pp. 56–67; Zaum, Dominik, “Peace Operations and Exit,” RUSI Journal 153, no. 2 (2008), pp. 36–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 See for example Nicholas Sambanis, “Short- and Long-Term Effects of United Nations Peace Operations,” World Bank Economic Review 22, no. 1 (2008), pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

3 Reilly, Benjamin, “Post-Conflict Elections: Constraints and Dangers,” inNewman, EdwardandSchnabel, Albrecht, eds., Recovering from Civil Conflict: Reconciliation, Peace and Development (New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 118–39; Paris, Roland, At War's End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004);Caplan, “After Exit.”.Google Scholar

4 Wilde, Ralph, “Exits from Colonialism, Occupation, Mandate, and Trusteeship Arrangements and International Territorial Administration: The Competing Normative Models of Trusteeship and Self-Determination,” paper delivered at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, New York, February 15, 2009.Google Scholar

5 Feldman, Noah, What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation Building (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004).Google Scholar

6 Declaration by the Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council, February 27, 2008; available at http:\\www.ohr.int.The Steering Board decided not to give a fixed date for the closure of the OHR, and instead made it conditional on a range of governance benchmarks and “a positive assessment by the … [Steering Board] based on full compliance with the Dayton Peace Agreement.”.Google Scholar

7 Finnemore, Martha, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); Katzenstein, Peter, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).Google Scholar

8 Acharya, Amitav, “How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,” International Organization 58, no. 2 (2004), pp. 239–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 See, for example, Barnett, MichaelandDuvall, Raymond, “Power in International Politics,” International Organization 59, no. 1 (2005), pp. 39–75; Hurd, Ian, “The Strategic Use of Liberal Internationalism: Libya and the UN Sanctions, 1992–2003,” International Organization 59, no. 3 (2005), pp. 495–526.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 Benson, Kevin C. M.andThrash, Christopher B., “Declaring Victory: Planning Exit Strategies for Peace Operations,” Parameters 16, no. 3 (1996), pp. 69–80.Google Scholar

11 Annan, Kofi, No Exit Without Strategy: Security Council Decision-Making and the Closure or Transition of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, UN doc. S/2001/394 of April 20, 2001.Google Scholar

12 Call, Charles T.andCook, Susan E., “On Democratization and Peacebuilding,” Global Governance 9, no. 2 (2003), p. 237.Google Scholar

13 Caplan, “After Exit,” p. 254.Google Scholar

14 Chandler, David, Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building (London: Pluto, 2006);Paris, At War's End; Zaum, Dominik, The Sovereignty Paradox: The Norms and Politics of International Statebuilding (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).Google Scholar

15 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, The Responsibility to Protect (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001).Google Scholar

16 Zaum, , Sovereignty Paradox, pp. 39–43.See alsoMosegaard Søbjerg, Lene, “Trusteeship and the Concept of Freedom,” Review of International Studies 33, no. 3 (2007), pp. 475–88.Google Scholar

17 Fox, Gregory H., “International Law and the Entitlement to Democracy after War,” Global Governance 9, no. 2 (2003), pp. 179–97.Fox emphasizes that “When the UN contributed to the political and legal structure of postconflict societies, it has invariably drawn on the body of emerging democratic norms.” (p. 180).For examples of the role of democratic government in statebuilding mandates, seeAgreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-establishment of Permanent Government Institutions, Bonn, December 5, 2001 (Afghanistan); SC Res. 1244 of June 10, 1999, Art. 11(c) (Kosovo); and SC Res. 1272 of October 25, 1999, Art. 8 (East Timor).Google Scholar

18 SeeNolte, Georg, “The Different Functions of the Security Council with Respect to Humanitarian Law,” inLowe, Vaughan, Roberts, Adam, Welsh, Jennifer, andZaum, Dominik, eds., The United Nations Security Council and War: The Evolution of Thought and Practice since 1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 519–34.Google Scholar

19 See for example UNMIK Regulation 1999/24, “On the Law Applicable in Kosovo,” December 12, 1999; and UNTAET Regulation 1999/1, “On the Authority of the Transitional Administration in East Timor,” of November 27, 1999.In Bosnia, an entire annex of the Peace Agreement (Annex 6) was dedicated to human rights, outlining the applicable international human rights law applicable in Bosnia, and establishing human rights institutions. See “General Framework Agreement for Peace,” reprinted in OHR, Bosnia and Herzegovina: Essential Texts, 3rd ed. (Sarajevo: OHR, 2000), pp. 23–63.Google Scholar

20 Samuels, Kirsti, Rule of Law Reform in Post-Conflict Countries: Operational Initiatives and Lessons Learned, Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Paper No. 37, World Bank, October2006, p. 3.Google Scholar

21 Williams, David, “Aid and Sovereignty: Quasi-States and the International Financial Institutions,” Review of International Studies 24, no. 4 (2000), p. 557.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22 See, for example, Pugh, MichaelandCooper, Neil, withGoodhand, J., War Economies in a Regional Context: Challenges of Transformation (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2003), pp. 91–141.Google Scholar

23 Weber, Max, “The Profession and Vocation of Politics,” inLassman, PeterandSpeirs, Ronald, eds., Weber: Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 310–11.Google Scholar

24 See, for example, Chandler, Empire in Denial; Jahn, Beate, “The Tragedy of Liberal Diplomacy: Democratization, Intervention, and Statebuilding (Parts I and II),” Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 1, no. 1–2 (2007), pp. 87–106and pp. 211–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 Paris, , At War's End, pp. 40–51; Rotberg, Robert I., “The Failure and Collapse of Nation-States: Breakdown, Prevention, and Repair,” inRotberg, Robert I., ed., When States Fail: Causes and Consequences (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 1–45.Google Scholar

26 SeeCliffe, SarahandManning, Nick, “Practical Approaches to Building State Institutions,” inCall, Charles T.andWyeth, Vanessa, eds., Building States to Build Peace (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2008), p. 170.Google Scholar

27 Zaum, , Sovereignty Paradox, p. 42.Google Scholar

28 Finnemore, Martha, “Paradoxes in Humanitarian Intervention,” inPrice, Richard, ed., Moral Limit and Possibility in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 198, and pp. 206–14.Google Scholar

29 Chekel, Jeffrey T., “International Institutions and Socialization in Europe: Introduction and Framework,” International Organization 59, no. 4 (2005), p. 804.Roland Paris compares peacebuilders to a “transmission belt” conveying norms to postconflict countries.Paris, Roland, “International Peacebuilding and the ‘Mission Civilisatrice,”’ Review of International Studies 28, no. 4 (2002), pp. 633–34.Google Scholar

30 Strohmeyer, Hansjörg, “Building a New Judiciary for East Timor: Challenges for a Fledgling Nation,” Criminal Law Forum 11, no. 3 (2000), pp. 259–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31 See for exampleDowns, GeorgeandStedman, Stephen John, “Evaluation Issues in Peace Implementation,” inStedman, Stephen John, Rothchild, Donald, andCousens, Elizabeth, eds., Ending Civil Wars: The Implementation of Peace Agreements (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002), pp. 45–47.Google Scholar

32 For such a criticism of UNMIK's mandate in Kosovo, seeKing, IanandMason, Whit, Peace at Any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo (London: Hurst, 2006), p. 33.Google Scholar

33 Knaus, GeraldandMartin, Felix, “Travails of the European Raj,” Journal of Democracy 14, no. 3 (2003), pp. 60–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

34 Kratochwil, Friedrich, “How Do Norms Matter?” inByers, Michael, ed., The Role of Law in International Politics: Essays in International Relations and International Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 43–51.Google Scholar

35 Price, Richard, “A Genealogy of the Chemical Weapons Taboo,” International Organization 49, no. 1 (1995), pp. 73–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36 GA Res. 1514 (XV) of December 14, 1960.Google Scholar

37 Jackson, Robert H., Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 82–85; Spruyt, Hendrik, “The End of Empire and the Extension of the Westphalian System,” inCaporaso, James A., ed., Continuity and Change in the Westphalian Order (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), pp. 65–92.Google Scholar

38 Wilde, Ralph, International Territorial Administration: How Trusteeship and the Civilizing Mission Never Went Away (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 395–428.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39 Remarks by the President from the USS Abraham Lincoln at Sea off the Coast of San Diego, California, May 1, 2003.Google Scholar

40 Ignatieff, Michael, Empire Lite: Nation-Building in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan (London: Vintage, 2003), pp. 113–14.Google Scholar

41 Hurd, “Strategic Use of Liberal Internationalism”; Schimmelfennig, Frank, “The Community Trap: Liberal Norms, Rhetorical Action, and the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union,” International Organization 55, no. 1 (2001), pp. 47–80.Google Scholar

42 Cited inChesterman, Simon, You, the People: The UN Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 140.Google Scholar

43 Feldman, , What We Owe Iraq, pp. 115–16.Google Scholar

44 Goldstone, Anthony, “UNTAET with Hindsight: The Peculiarities of Politics in an Incomplete State,” Global Governance 10, no. 1 (2004), pp. 83–99.Google Scholar

45 Cousens, ElizabethandHarland, David, “Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina,” inDurch, William J., ed., Twenty-First Century Peace Operations (Washington D.C.: USIP Press, 2006), p. 120.Google Scholar

46 SC Res. 1244 of June 10, 1999. For details of the Kosovo conflict, see, for example, Judah, Tim, Kosovo: War and Revenge, 2nd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002).Google Scholar

47 Zacher, Mark, “The Territorial Integrity Norm: International Boundaries and the Use of Force,” International Organization 55, no. 2 (2001), pp. 215–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

48 For detailed discussions of statebuilding in Kosovo, seeCaplan, , Rule and Reconstruction; Dziedzic, Michael, “Kosovo,” inDurch, William J., ed., Twenty-First Century Peace Operations (Washington D.C.: USIP Press, 2006), pp. 319–88; King, andMason, , Peace at Any Price; Zaum, Sovereignty Paradox.Google Scholar

49 SeeCrisis Group, Kosovo's Fragile Transition, Brussels and Pristina, September 25, 2008; Kosovo Stability Initiative (IKS), Who's the Boss? Discussion Paper, December 3, 2008, available at http:\\www.iksweb.org; Tansey, Oisí nandZaum, Dominik, “Muddling Through? Kosovo's First Year of Independence,” Survival 51, no. 1 (2009), pp. 13–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

50 Report of the UN Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, UN doc. S/2008/692 of November 24, 2008.Google Scholar

51 Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission, UN doc. S/1999/779 of July 12, 1999, paras. 110–16. The distinction into three phases is my simplification of the five phases identified in the SG report.Google Scholar

52 The standards were first publicly announced in a speech by Michael Steiner at the UN Security Council on April 24, 2002. See UN Doc. S/PV. 4518 of April 22, 2002, pp. 2–4.Google Scholar

53 King, andMason, , Peace at Any Price, pp. 174–75.Google Scholar

54 UNMIK, Standards for Kosovo, Pristina, December 10, 2003.Google Scholar

55 International Crisis Group, Collapse in Kosovo, Pristina, August 22, 2004, p. 1.Google Scholar

56 Judah, Tim, “Kosovo's Moment of Truth,” Survival 47, no. 4 (2005), pp. 75–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57 King, andMason, , Peace at Any Price, p. 192.Google Scholar

58 A Comprehensive Review of the Situation in Kosovo, UN Doc. S/2005/635 of October 7, 2005.Google Scholar

59 Weller, Marc, Negotiating the Final Status of Kosovo, Chaillot Paper 114 (Paris: EUISS, 2008), p. 82.Google Scholar

60 Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement, UN Doc. 2007/168/Add. 1 of March 26, 2007.Google Scholar

61 Crisis Group, Kosovo Report Card, Brussels, and Pristina, August 28, 2000.They were also central to calls for “unsupervised” independence by the student-led independence movementVetëvendosje (‘Self-determination’). See for example Vetëvendosje, Newsletter No. 69, November 19, 2007.Google Scholar

62 Conflict, Security, and Development Group, A Review of Peace Operations—A Case for Change: Kosovo (London: King's College, 2003), para. 252.Google Scholar

63 See, for example, Speech by the President of Kosovo, Fatmir Sedjiu, at the Vienna Meeting of March, 102007; available at http:\\www.president-ksgov.net.Google Scholar

64 For a detailed discussion of the negotiations, seeWeller, Marc, “The Vienna Negotiations on the Final Status for Kosovo,” International Affairs 84, no. 4 (2008), pp. 659–81; and Weller, Marc, “Kosovo's Final Status,” International Affairs 84, no. 6 (2008), pp. 1223–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

65 Cited inCaplan, , International Governance of War-Torn Territories, p. 115.Google Scholar

66 UNMIK Regulation 1999/1, “On the Authority of the Interim Administration in Kosovo,” July 25, 1999.Google Scholar

67 ICG, Waiting for UNMIK—Local Administration in Kosovo (Pristina: ICG, 1999), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

68 UN Secretary-General's Press Encounter Following the Security Council Meeting on Timor Leste, New York, June 13, 2006; available at http:\\www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp?nid=885(accessed September 17, 2008).Google Scholar

69 The remark was made in the context of a Security Council debate on exit strategies. See UN Doc. S/PV. 4223 of November 15, 2000, p. 24.Google Scholar