Responses to articles in ET typically reach me three months after the relevant issue comes out. Each issue contains around ten contributions, and presents a wide and shifting range of topics, backgrounds, styles, perspectives, lengths, and densities of expression. In addition, we know from experience that, while some contributors approach ET because for them it is a comfortable and suitable vehicle, others do so because they see it as the only outlet available for what they have to say.

FOR SOME time, a growing chorus of voices has been expressing concern over the way in which English is promoted by English-speaking countries, primarily the UK, the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand (cf. Phillipson 1992, Pennycook 1994 & 1998, Canagarajah 1999, Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). Identified by Kachru (1985) as the ‘inner circle’ countries, these make vast profits from linguistic sales to ‘outer circle’ countries such as Singapore and India – despite the fact that the latter have largely developed their own Englishes – and even more so to the ‘expanding circle’ of countries which require access to the default international lingua franca.

This article will give an overview of the compilation process of a Caribbean Multilingual Dictionary by describing the work of the Caribbean Multilingual Lexicography Project at the University of the West Indies at Cave Hill. The work involved, namely, the compilation of the first volume of the Caribbean Multilingual Dictionary (CMD) of Flora, Fauna and Foods (in English, French, French Creole and Spanish) is deemed to be pertinent to the development of research skills in the field of dictionary-making and provides insights into some of the problems faced by the Caribbean multilingual dictionary-maker in the chronicling of the Caribbean environment. In addition, the article also lists the wide range of users at which the CMD is aimed and illustrates its value to Caribbean systems, such as the regional education system, sectors such as the private enterprise, trade and tourism sectors and individual researchers as well as the general Caribbean public, the Caribbean diaspora in North America and Britain, and the French- and Spanish-speaking countries of the European Union.

THIS paper examines English language policy in Africa from colonial times to the present day. Colonial policy was marked by a linguistic apartheid which consisted in driving Africans away from the language, first by limiting access to formal education, then by not showing much enthusiasm for teaching them the language, then at times preferring to encourage Pidgin English, and finally by encouraging deviant features. Linguistic apartheid continues today through such institutions as the BBC, whose African Network Service openly promotes deviant African features through their jingles, the employment of African correspondents with deeply local English features, and the reading of unedited letters from listeners that contain substandard features. More subtle ways of promoting such apartheid include the negligible weight of the English language in school curricula.

ACCORDING to Schmied (1991a:52), ‘there is some evidence that language learners in general use simplification strategies at an early stage and try to reproduce memorized phrases from the target language later, irrespective of the linguistic and pragmatic context.’ The English prepositional system is well known for its complexity and language learners might well be inclined to simplify in order to reduce such complexities. Indeed, there is evidence from the East African component of the International Corpus of English (ICE-EA) of such a process of simplification in the use of prepositions in the English of Kenya. As a result, some prepositions might well disappear from use in this second-language variety of English.

IN 2003, a health crisis took place that severely tested Hong Kong, among a number of other parts of the world, with at 15 June a death toll in the city of 295 (out of 1,755 cases). Schools were closed, an apartment block was quarantined, and businesses suffered as people stayed home. Because no one at that time knew much about what came to be called ‘severe acute respiratory syndrome’ (shortened to both SARS and Sars), the disease offered a ‘blank screen’ onto which various fears could be projected. It seemed to spread directly to close contacts – but airborne contagion could not be ruled out. The death rate was under five percent, but there was a possibility that it could become more virulent. It might turn out like any other flu-like illness, or like the 1918 flu pandemic that killed millions. In addition, it was the perfect mechanism for Hong Kong to project its current uncertainties over its image and place in the world. Thus, the ‘pragmatic handling’ of this event in the major English language newspaper of the city, the South China Morning Post, holds much linguistic interest. The SCMP is a major English-language newspaper in East Asia.

RECENTLY I went over the back numbers of English Today and re-read the article Kāi Fàng: Loan words to the Middle Kingdom, in the issue of October 1987, in which Elizabeth-Anne Malischewski describes how, through transliteration and adaptation, English words have been adopted into Chinese. This article attracted and kept my attention, for I have a great interest in English borrowings in Chinese.

THIS discussion of the condition of English teaching in Japan looks at some deeply rooted national educational and cultural attitudes, including in particular the impact of ‘the katakana effect’ on speaking and listening among teachers and students alike. A unique configuration of cultural, historical, sociological, and linguistic factors presents Japanese teachers with serious challenges. The Ministry of Education, faced with a rising dropout rate, cases of bullying, accusations against irresponsible teachers, and complaints from parents, agreed in 2000 to adopt reforms. The resulting curriculum and methodology changes necessarily address issues relating to English. Although the reforms aim to produce a generation able to thrive socially and professionally in the international community, entrenched beliefs and values threaten their implementation, particularly with regard to a more natural and creative way of teaching and learning Japan's international language of choice.

THIS paper describes the frequency of languages other than Portuguese in shop signs located in six towns, all in northwestern Portugal and close to the border with Spain, each ranging in size from a year-round population of 600 to one of 4,400. One of the towns, Fermentelos, lies slightly southeast of Aveiro. The other five – Afife, Arcos de Valdevez, Caminha, Ponte da Barca, and Vila Praia de Ancora – are north of Porto. The most frequently occurring non-Portuguese phrase in this six-town project was snack bar.

THE GROWING international relevance of English has left its traces on the German language. Accordingly, research on the phenomenon of Anglicisms in German has intensified in the second half of the 20th century. The last decade, however, brought such a rapid development in mass communication, including the still wider spread of English, that some traditional views on Anglicisms have been challenged. This article discusses such issues as the problematic nature of classifying Anglicisms, the processes of integration of Anglicisms, and the multi-faceted motivations for their use in German.