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JAMES CERVETTO AND THE ORIGIN OF HAYDN'S D MAJOR CELLO CONCERTO

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 February 2019

THOMAS TOLLEY
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Abstract

Haydn's D major cello concerto has traditionally been associated with Anton Kraft, a performer in Haydn's orchestra at Eszterháza during the 1780s. Before Haydn's autograph came to light in the 1950s, many authorities had accepted apparent evidence that Kraft was the concerto's composer. Even after the autograph's rediscovery, the seeming connection of the concerto with Kraft appeared so compelling that it was widely assumed he participated in the compositional process. This article demonstrates that Kraft's connection with the concerto was actually fabricated in the 1830s. Contemporary reports show that the concerto was in fact composed for the distinguished virtuoso James Cervetto, who performed it in London in 1784. Both the distinctive characteristics of the concerto, often regarded by commentators as indications of compositional weakness, and also its exceptional technical challenges are here interpreted as responses to Cervetto's singular musical temperament and exceptional proficiency, communicated to Haydn through the commission.

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Eighteenth-Century Music , Volume 16 , Issue 1 , March 2019 , pp. 9 - 29
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

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References

1 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (24 March 1784). This and all subsequent references to newspapers of the time have been sourced from the 17th–18th Century Burney Newspapers Collection www.gale.com/uk/c/17th-and-18th-century-burney-newspapers-collection. None of the newspapers are paginated. For a tentative identification of the concerto in question with Haydn's D major cello concerto see McVeigh, Simon, ‘The Professional Concert and Rival Subscription Series in London, 1783–1793’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 22 (1989), 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. McVeigh's identification has hitherto not been explored further.

2 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (30 March 1784). No longer ‘new’, the second performance was advertised as ‘Concerto Violoncello, Mr Cervetto, composed by Haydn’. For background to the London concert scene of the time see McVeigh, Simon, Concert Life in London from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

3 For example, concertos by Wilhelm Cramer, leader of Abingdon's band, were published during the 1770s and were presumably performed by him: White, Chappell, From Vivaldi to Viotti: A History of the Early Classical Violin Concerto, second edition (Langhorne, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1994), 275–277Google Scholar.

4 The European Magazine 2 (1782), 15.

5 The European Magazine 2 (1782), 15. For further press references see McVeigh, ‘Professional Concert’, 26 and 31. For a well-known ‘Haydn’ symphony in London that was not what it purported to be see Robins, Brian, ed., The John Marsh Journals (Stuyvesant: Pendragon, 1998), 513–514Google Scholar. Gyrowetz explains how his own symphonies came to be attributed to Haydn, in Biographie des Adalbert Gyrowetz (Vienna: Mechitharisten-Buchdruckerei, 1848), 46–48Google Scholar.

6 Advertisements featuring compositions by Friedrich Hartmann Graf (1727–1795), Abingdon's resident composer in 1783 and 1784, help establish this point. For example, ‘A new Concerto for Bassoon and Hautboy . . . composed by M. Graff’ (Public Advertiser (21 April 1784)) means that Abingdon presented the work in question as though it had been specifically composed for his series, which was almost certainly the case. The same may reasonably be assumed to apply to Haydn's concerto.

7 On Cervetto's career see Marija Ðurić Speare, ‘Cervetto, James (1748–1837)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography www.oxforddnb.com (12 June 2017).

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16 Whitehall Evening Post (7 January 1794).

17 For anticipation of Cervetto's contribution to the Ancient Concert see the Morning Post (22 September 1784).

18 The Diary, or Woodfall's Register (8 May 1790). Handel's marking ‘Violoncello ad libitum’ presented Cervetto with the kind of occasion when, by means of improvisation, his talent could shine even in adverse circumstances.

19 British Museum Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires [by Frederick G. Stephens, volumes 1–4, and Mary Dorothy George, volumes 5–11 (London, 1870–1954)], No. 8268; McVeigh, ‘Professional Concert’, 75–79.

20 For Cervetto anecdotes see Talbot, ‘Jacob Cervetto’, 208.

21 British Museum Catalogue, No. 5269.

22 On Zoffany's portrait of Jacob Cervetto see Webster, Mary, Johan Zoffany, 1733–1810 (London: National Portrait Gallery, 1976), 45Google Scholar. On the portrait print of Jacob Cervetto derived from Zoffany's portrait see Smith, John Chaloner, British Mezzotinto Portraits from the Introduction of the Art to the Early Part of the Present Century, four volumes (London: Henry Sotheran, 1883), volume 3, 998–999Google Scholar (misattributed to the artist's husband).

23 British Museum Catalogue, No. 6125. Identities are recorded through contemporary inscriptions.

24 On Cervetto's participation in ‘Those very magnificent Concerts at private Houses on Sunday Evenings’ see Public Advertiser (1 January 1783).

25 For an example from 1780 see Olleson, Philip, ed., The Journals and Letters of Susan Burney: Music and Society in Late Eighteenth-Century England (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 131Google Scholar.

26 Robins, ed., John Marsh Journals, 184 (entry for 15 September 1778).

27 First published as Sei Sonate di Cembalo e Violino Obbligato Dedicate a Madama Brillon de Jouy da Luigi Boccherini . . . Opera V (Paris: G. B. Venier[, 1768]). The first London edition was published by Longman & Lukey.

28 Diettenhofer, Joseph, ed., Six Favourite Sonatas for the Piano Forte or Harpsichord with an accompaniment obligato for a Violin, first Composed by the Celebrated Signor Luigi Boccherini (London: Skillern, 1783), Preface, unpaginatedGoogle Scholar.

29 This portrait is discussed and reproduced in Leppert, Richard, Music and Image: Domesticity, Ideology and Socio-cultural Formation in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 138–139Google Scholar, and Webster, Mary, Johan Zoffany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 401–404Google Scholar.

30 For insights into the accuracy of Zoffany's representations see Millar, Oliver, Zoffany and His Tribuna (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1966)Google Scholar. For evidence of private concerts organized by Zoffany see Manners, Victoria and Williamson, G. C., John Zoffany, R. A. (London: John Lane, 1920), 68–70Google Scholar.

31 Zoffany depicted cellists as performers on several occasions, showing familiarity with the relevant techniques and poses. See, for example, The Gore Family with George, Third Earl Cowper (Yale Center for British Art), discussed in Postle, Martin, ed., Johan Zoffany RA: Society Observed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 234–235Google Scholar. No other representation depicts the position adopted by James Cervetto.

32 For an account of the term and the associated technique see Gunn, John, The Theory and Practice of fingering the Violoncello Containing Rules & Progressive Lessons for attaining the Knowledge & Command of the Hole compass of the Instrument, first edition (London: author[, 1789])Google Scholar.

33 For extensive discussion of the use of thumb position in eighteenth-century music see Feng Zhao, ‘The Expansion of Cello Technique: Thumb Position in the Eighteenth Century’ (DMus dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 2006).

34 Corrette, Michel, Méthode théorique et pratique pour apprendre en peu de tems le Violoncelle dans sa Perfection (Paris: author, 1741)Google Scholar.

35 A further example is the obbligato cello part in the second movement of Symphony No. 31 in D major (‘Hornsignal’), composed in 1765, bars 20–22.

36 Bauer, Wilhelm A. and Deutsch, Otto Erich, eds, Mozart: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen. Gesamtausgabe, four volumes (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1962–63), volume 1, 193Google Scholar (on Cirri, ‘Cyri’) and 195 (on Zappa). Resistance to the use of thumb technique is evident from an accomplished drawing by Edward Burney entitled Amateurs of Tye-Wig Music, a satire on the taste for ‘old’ music (Handel and Corelli) at the expense of ‘the new’ (Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven), created soon after 1817. The drawing features an invented diatribe: ‘Against Thumb Passages for the Violon-Cello’. See Crown, Patricia, ‘Visual Music: E. F. Burney and a Hogarth Revival’, Bulletin of Research in the Humanities 83/4 (1980), 435–472Google Scholar.

37 Corrette, Méthode, 14–15, 24, 33.

38 For further observation's on James's technique as portrayed in Zoffany's painting see Neece, Brenda, ‘The Cello in Britain: A Technical and Social History’, The Galpin Society Journal 56 (2003), 104–105Google Scholar.

39 Duport, Jean-Louis, Essai sur le doigté du violoncelle et sur la conduite de l'archet (Paris: Janet et Cotelle, 1806), 20–30Google Scholar.

40 See, for example, Postle, ed., Johan Zoffany RA, 125.

41 Larsen, Jens Peter, Three Haydn Catalogues: Second Facsimile Edition with a Survey of Haydn's Oeuvre (New York: Pendragon, 1979), 77Google Scholar.

42 For a discussion of authenticity issues in Haydn's concertos for cello see Gerlach, Sonja, ed., Konzerte für Violoncello und Orchester, Werke, Joseph Haydn, series 3, volume 2 (Munich: Henle, 1981), Kritischer BerichtGoogle Scholar.

43 For this and what follows see Gerlach, ed., Konzerte für Violoncello und Orchester, Vorwort.

44 The autograph is now in the Österreichisches Nationalbibliothek: Leopold Nowak, ‘Ein Haydn-Autograph und sein Schicksal: Das Cello-Konzert in D-dur op. 101’, Biblios: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Buch- und Bibliothekwesen 3–4 (1954), 80–86, and ‘Das Autograph von Joseph Haydns Cello-Konzert in D-dur, Op. 101’, Österreichische Musik-Zeitschrift 9 (1954), 274–278. Hoboken lists two publications of Haydn's concerto in the composer's lifetime, both of which are incorrectly dated. One of these, issued by Vernay in Paris, is actually derived, with permission, directly from the one issued by André. The Vernay edition cannot therefore be used as an independent source.

45 See Landon, H. C. Robbins and Jones, David Wyn, Haydn: His Life and Music (London: Thames & Hudson, 1988), 212Google Scholar: ‘rather unusually, [the concerto] did not circulate widely’.

46 For a resumé of Anton Kraft's career see Harich, János, ‘Das Haydn-Orchester im Jahr 1780’, Haydn Yearbook 7 (1971), 22–24Google Scholar.

47 Encyclopädie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften, oder Universal-Lexicon der Tonkunst, ed. Gustav Schilling, first edition, six volumes (Stuttgart: Franz Heinrich Köhler, 1835–1838), volume 4, 207–208. My translation. Opinion in the early twentieth century often credited Kraft with the concerto's authorship: see, for example, Volkmann, Hans, ‘Ist Haydns Cellokonzert echt?’, Die Musik 24 (1931–1932), 427–430Google Scholar. Wilhelm Altmann, who edited the concerto for the Eulenburg miniature score edition (London: Eulenburg, 1935), tentatively accepted that the concerto was by Kraft. Donald Tovey thought that Kraft's authorship explained what he saw as traits in the concerto divergent with Haydn's ‘great’ compositions: Essays in Musical Analysis: Concertos (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1948), xi.

48 Wilhelm Altmann, Preface to the Eulenburg edition of the concerto, unpaginated.

49 On the history of the autograph from the early nineteenth century until the 1930s see Nowak, ‘Ein Haydn-Autograph’, 82–86.

50 Nicolaus Kraft was on close terms with the composer Hummel, who, on instruction from Nicolaus Esterházy II, played a significant role in the dispersal of Haydn's estate in 1809. The younger Kraft therefore probably knew something of the circumstances of Haydn's papers at that time.

51 On the dating of André’s publication see Leberman, Walter, ‘Zur Frage der Eliminierung des Soloparts aus den Tutti-Abschnitten in der Partitur des Solokonzerts’, Die Musikforschung 14/2 (1961), 200Google Scholar, note 1 (correcting the date given by Hoboken), and Matthäus, Wolfgang, ‘Das Werk Joseph Haydns im Spiegel der Geschichte des Verlags Jean André’, Haydn Yearbook 3 (1965), 84Google Scholar.

52 See Bauer and Deutsch, eds, Mozart: Briefe, volume 4, 281–496 and passim, and Rehm, Wolfgang, Mozarts Nachlaß und die Andrés: Dokumente zur Verteilung und Verlosung von 1854 (Offenbach am Main: Johann André, 1999)Google Scholar.

53 See Haydn's letters to George August Griesinger of 3 and 10 July 1801: Bartha, Dénes, ed., Joseph Haydn: Gesammelte Briefe und Aufzeichnungen (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1965), 368–370Google Scholar.

54 Olleson, Edward, ‘Georg August Griesinger's Correspondence with Breitkopf & Härtel’, Haydn Yearbook 3 (1965), 41–44Google Scholar.

55 On Abingdon's musical interests see the articles by McCulloch, Derek, ‘“Und wer war Lord Abingdon”: Some Light on Haydn's Enigmatic Colleague and Companion’, Haydn Society of Great Britain Journal 20 (2000–2001), 13–31Google Scholar, and ‘The Musical Oeuvre of Willoughby Bertie, 4th Earl of Abingdon (1740–99)’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 33 (2000), 1–27.

56 Audiences were explicitly informed that Abingdon had directly approached Haydn for new works: ‘Haydn is among the foreign composers, to whom Lord Abingdon has applied for new music at his grand Concert’ (Morning Chronicle (17 March 1783)).

57 That the Earl succeeded in obtaining ‘new’ music from Haydn is clear from comments made in the press. For example, ‘Hayden's Overture, performed last Night, was, as we understand, some of the New Music of that great Master [my italics]’ (Public Advertiser (20 March 1783)).

58 On this letter see Raab, Armin, ‘Haydns Briefe an den Verleger Boyer’, Haydn-Studien 8/3 (2003), 237–252Google Scholar. Haydn avoided stating whether any compositions had actually been sent.

59 For an account of how Abingdon set about commissioning a concerto for his own performance see [André-Erneste-Modeste] Grétry, Mémoires ou essais sur la musique (Paris: author, 1789), 129–130. For further discussion see Solum, John, ‘Concerning the Authenticity of Grétry's Flute Concerto’, Revue de la Société liégeoise de Musicologie 7 (1997), 75–85Google Scholar.

60 Yale University Library, Osborn Collection, shelves c 100, p. 7, quoted in Ribeiro, Alvaro, ed., The Letters of Dr Charles Burney, volume 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 382, note 53Google Scholar.

61 Magazin der Musik 2 (1784), 109; trans. Landon, H. C. Robbins, Haydn: Chronicle and Works, volume 2: Haydn at Eszterháza: 1766–1790 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978), 596Google Scholar.

62 On copyright legislation see especially Small, John, ‘The Development of Musical Copyright’, in The Music Trade in Georgian London, ed. Kassler, Michael (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 233–386Google Scholar.

63 See Landon and Jones, Haydn, 213: ‘cello concertos had a much more restricted market than did concertos for piano or violin, not to mention symphonies and quartets’.

64 The earliest published compositions by James Cervetto (Opera prima[:] Six Solos for the Violoncello, with a Thorough Bass, first advertised for sale in the Public Advertiser (14 April 1768)) and by Anton Kraft (Hummel's edition of the three cello sonatas, Op. 1, c1788) are good examples.

65 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (23 August 1783). The concerto was published by Artaria in 1782 or early 1783 and imported by Longman & Broderip: Ridgewell, Rupert, ‘Artaria's Music Shop and Boccherini's Music in Viennese Musical Life’, Early Music 33/2 (2005), 182–183CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Anton Kraft's concerto, Op. 4, was published in 1792. Pleyel had published four cello concertos by this time, including Op. 4, issued by both André and Artaria in 1789. Paul Wranitzky's concerto, Op. 27, was issued by André in 1794.

67 On the concerto's later nineteenth-century reception see Kennaway, George, ‘Haydn's (?) Cello Concertos, 1860–1930: Editions, Performances, Reception’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 9 (2012), 177–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68 Schwarz, Boris, ‘Joseph Joachim and the Genesis of Brahms's Violin Concerto’, The Musical Quarterly 69/4 (1983), 503–526CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The notion that Kraft contributed to the form of Haydn's concerto along the lines of Joachim's advice to Brahms persists in writings by modern scholars and performers. For example, see Anner Bylsma's liner notes accompanying his recording of Haydn's cello concertos with Tafelmusik, directed by Jean Lamon (Deutsche Harmonia Mundi 7757-2-RC, 1990).

69 See Gerlach, ed., Konzerte für Violoncello, 124. The autograph features articulations added subsequently (not by Haydn), here ignored.

70 It was not Haydn's customary practice to send autographs to commissioners. The case of the London publisher Forster, with whom Haydn was in contact by the early 1780s, is well documented: see Poole, Edmund H., ‘Music Engraving Practice in Eighteenth-Century London: A Study of Some Forster Editions of Haydn and Their Manuscript Sources’, in Music and Bibliography: Essays in Honour of Alec Hyatt King, ed. Neighbour, Oliver (New York: Saur, 1980), 98–131Google Scholar.

71 For a typical example in modern scholarship of the notion that the concerto resulted from ‘a high degree of collaboration between Kraft and Haydn’ see Wessely, Othmar and Wijsmann, Suzanne, ‘Kraft Family: (1) Anton Kraft’, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, second edition, ed. Sadie, Stanley and Tyrrell, John (London: Macmillan, 2001), volume 13, 858Google Scholar.

72 Nicolaus Kraft was nine years old when his father left Esterházy service. He was therefore old enough to remember Haydn in the 1780s.

73 Encyclopädie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften, ed. Schilling, first edition, volume 2 (1835), 175. See also Gerber, Ernst Ludwig, Historisch-Biographisches Lexicon der Tonküstler, two volumes (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1790–1792), volume 1, column 266Google Scholar.

74 Mara ‘was a good player, but a drunken fellow, and behaved ill to his wife’: Sandys, William and Forster, Simon Andrew, The History of the Violin (London: Reeves, 1864), 228Google Scholar. Mara was ‘an idle drunken man, and bad player on the violoncello’: [Edgecumbe, Richard,] Musical Reminiscences, second edition (London: Clarke, 1827), 81Google Scholar.

75 See Broughton, Mrs Delves, ed., Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte: Being the Journals of Mrs Papendieck, two volumes (London: Bentley, 1887), volume 1, 223Google Scholar, and Burney, Charles, An Account of the Musical Performances . . . in Commemoration of Handel (London: Payne and Robinson, 1785), 18Google Scholar.

76 Sandys and Forster, History of the Violin, 228; [Edgecumbe,] Musical Reminiscences, 81.

77 Mozart, letter to his father, 24 November 1780: Bauer and Deutsch, eds, Mozart: Briefe, volume 3, 31.

78 Entry for 24 March 1795 in Haydn's third London notebook: Bartha, ed., Gesammelte Briefe, 530.

79 Public Advertiser (23 April 1760).

80 Opera prima[:] Six Solos for the Violoncello, with a Thorough Bass: Composed by James Cervetto was advertised in 1768.

81 Encyclopädie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften, ed. Schilling, first edition, volume 2 (1835), 176.

82 The Musical World 1 (25 March 1836), 30 (original italics). A portrait of Cervetto ‘aged 86’ playing his instrument, dated 8 March 1832, survives in the British Museum (1922, 1017.5).

83 For example, in the Gentleman's Magazine, New Series, 7 (1837), 437–438, and Morning Post (9 February 1837).

84 Later encyclopedias published in Germany correct the error: see, for example, Hugo Riemann, Musik-Lexikon, first edition (Leipzig: Verlag des Bibliographischen Instituts, 1882), 155.

85 Parke, William, Musical Memoirs, two volumes (London: Colburn and Bentley, 1830), volume 1, 196Google Scholar.

86 ‘Violoncellisten: Grossdill – Menel – Mara – Sperati – Schramb’: Bartha, ed., Gesammelte Briefe, 500.

87 On the loss of Cervetto's cello see Whitehall Evening Post (18 June 1789). On 11 December 1790 the Gazetter and New Daily Advertiser reported that ‘Cervetto has resigned his practice on the Violoncello’. A review of Gunn's Theory and Practice of fingering the Violoncello (Whitehall Evening Post (7 January 1794)) confirms Cervetto's retirement.

88 The Musical World 4 (23 December 1836), 7. For corroboration see Huish, Memoirs of George the Fourth, 46.

89 Morning Herald (1 April 1784). A German reviewer used equivalent language (Magazin der Musik 2/1 (1784–1785), 230): ‘Ein Violoncell-Concert von Cervetto ward mit der Würde, feyerlichen Stärke und Hoheit der Music vorgetragen, als man es von demselben gewohnt ist’.

90 On associations of Handel with solemnity see Donald Burrows, Handel, second edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 85, 235 and 409. On sublimity in Handel see Claudia L. Johnson, ‘“Giant HANDEL” and the Musical Sublime’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 19/4 (1986), 515–533. On sublimity in Haydn see Brown, A. Peter, ‘The Sublime, the Beautiful, and the Ornamental: English Aesthetic Currents and Haydn's London Symphonies’, in Studies in Music History Presented to H. C. Robbins Landon, ed. Biba, Otto and Jones, David Wyn (London: Thames & Hudson, 1996), 44–71Google Scholar, and Webster, James, ‘The Creation, Haydn's Late Vocal Music, and the Musical Sublime’, in Haydn and His World, ed. Sisman, Elaine (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 57–102Google Scholar.

91 Walden, Valerie, One Hundred Years of Violoncello (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 132Google Scholar.

92 For a discussion of this passage and the necessary technique see Zhao, ‘Expansion of Cello Technique’, 56–57. The note in question may be taken with the third finger, but this requires an awkward shift in position, which is clearly not what Haydn expected.

93 Tovey, Concertos, xi; Landon, Haydn at Eszterháza, 571.

94 Landon, Haydn at Eszterháza, 571; Landon and Jones, Haydn, 213.

95 See Fleischmann, Aloys, ed., Sources of Irish Traditional Music, c.1600–1855, two volumes (New York: Garland, 1998), volume 1, Nos 757Google Scholar, 1627 and so forth, and ‘A Medley’ in [Arne, Thomas,] Love in a Village. A Comic Opera. The Music by Handel, Boyce, Arne . . . (London: [Walsh,] 1763)Google Scholar.

96 Johann Christian Fischer, for example, used the folk song ‘Gramachree Molly’ in the last movement of an oboe concerto. In 1773 John Marsh attended a concert in which this concerto was played, noting Cervetto among the performers: Robins, ed., John Marsh Journals, 112.

97 McCulloch, ‘The Musical Oeuvre’, 5 and 12–13; Derek McCulloch, ‘Die charmante Dame im Spiegel: Zu dem Lied Hob. XXXIc:17’, Haydn-Studien 7/3–4 (1998), 398–403.

98 McCulloch, ‘The Musical Oeuvre’, 16–17.

99 Entry in Haydn's third London Notebook: Bartha, ed., Gesammelte Briefe, 543.

100 Grétry, Mémoires, 129–130.

101 Landon and Jones, Haydn, 212.

102 Landon and Jones, Haydn, 212–213.

103 Landon and Jones, Haydn, 215. See also Malina, János, ‘On the Venues for and Decline of the Accademies at Eszterháza in Haydn's Time’, Eighteenth-Century Music 13/2 (2016), 278CrossRefGoogle Scholar.