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Jean de Castro, the Pense partbooks and musical culture in sixteenth-century Lyons*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Jeanice Brooks
Jeanice Brooks
Affiliation:
University of Southampton
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Extract

The city of Lyons enjoyed its heyday in the sixteenth century. Favourably situated along the great trade routes connecting Italy and the north, Lyons was a busy commercial centre that saw a constant flow of goods and people through its marketplaces and fairs. Its large population was polyglot and cosmopolitan: many of its most prominent citizens were recent immigrants or members of one of the foreign ‘nations’ that wielded so much financial power through their connections with banks in Italy. The city boasted a flourishing book trade and an active cultural life, and its culture was in many ways as international as its citizenry. Trade links with other great economic centres of the time were often mirrored in art and music. Although artistic ties with Italian cities were perhaps the strongest, connections with Antwerp and other northern cities existed as well. A newly identified set of manuscript partbooks in the Bibliothèque Nationale is an example of one such economic and cultural link. Commissioned by a young merchant of Lyons from a composer in Antwerp, they testify to the vitality of cultural exchange along the major trade routes of the Renaissance. Furthermore, they shed new light on the careers of the copyist Jean Pollet, who worked at the Bavarian court with Lassus, and the Netherlands composer Jean de Castro, and provide a unique and fascinating view into the life of Justinien Pense, the patron who commissioned them.

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Research Article
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Early Music History , Volume 11 , October 1992 , pp. 91 - 149
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

1 This is the opinion of Dr Mirjam Foot, Director of Collections and Preservation of the British Library. It is shared by M. Georges Colin, Chef du Département des Collections historiques of the Bibliothèque Royal Albert Ier, Brussels, who has informed me that the floral development of the central coats of arms on the Pense partbooks is not characteristic of Flemish bindings, making it unlikely that they were executed in the Low Countries. I would like to thank Dr Foot and M. Colin for their help in attempting to identify the bindings.

2 The Pense coat of arms, still used by the Piedmontese branch of the family as late as the first Empire, is described in Arnaud, E., Répertoire de généalogies françaises imprimées (Paris, 1982), iii, p. 241Google Scholar. The Bullioud arms are described in Tricou, J., Jetons armoriés de personnages lyonnais (Lyons, 1942), pp. 20–1Google Scholar. Descriptions of both sets of arms are included in the Bullioud genealogy in F-Pn MS f.fr. 27040 (pièces originales, vol. 556).

3 ‘Maintenant est il temps que je declare ce quy m'a faict mettre ce petit discours en avant. C'est Monsieur qu'ayant à vostre aveu composé et mis par ordre trois livres de Musique, le premier et le second à quatre parties, et le tiers à cincq, j'ay bien voulu les vous dedier et presenter …’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. lv.

4 Six pieces by Castro appear in RISM 156910, the Recueil des fleurs produictes de la divine musicque à troys parties … second livre (Louvain: Phalèse)Google Scholar; for the complete contents, see Vanhulst, H., Catalogue des éditions de musique publiées à Louvain par Pierre Phalèse et ses fils, 1545–1578 (Brussels, 1990), p. 147Google Scholar. RISM 156911, the Recueil des fleurs produictes de la divine musicque … tiers livre (Louvain: Phalèse)Google Scholar features two works by Castro; complete contents in Vanhulst, pp. 148–9. The Dixiesme livre de chansons à quatre parties, d'Orlande de Lassus … (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, RISM 15709)Google Scholar contains one chanson by Castro which has been edited by Bernstein, J. in The Sixteenth Century Chanson, v: Jean de Castro (New York, 1989)Google Scholar; complete contents of the volume listed in Lesure, F. and Thibault, G., Bibliographie des éditions d'Adrian Le Roy et Robert Ballard (1551–1598) (Paris, 1955), p. 142Google Scholar. The two prints entirely devoted to Castro's music are Il primo libro, di madrigali, canzoni & motetti à tre voci … (Antwerp: Veuve Jean de Laet, 1569)Google Scholar and the Chansons et madrigales à quatre parties … (Louvain: Phalèse, 1570)Google Scholar; complete contents of the latter in Vanhulst, p. 155. None of these volumes shares any music with the Pense partbooks.

5 From 1555 to 1557 a Jan Pollet ‘uit Rijsel’ (‘of Lille’) filled various posts at the church of St Jacques in Bruges. Dewitte, A., ‘Zangmeesters, organisten en schoolmeesters aan de Sint-Jacobparochie te Brugge 1419–1591’, Biekorf, 72 (1971), pp. 337 and 347Google Scholar; see also Dewitte, , ‘De geestelijkheid van de Brugse Lievevrouwkerk in de 16de eeuw’, Annales de la Société d'Émulation de Bruges, 107 (1970), p. 113Google Scholar. Pollet seems to have worked at St Sauveur in Bruges from January to April 1559; he was dismissed for being ‘incurious concerning singing and negligent in attending the Offices’; Dewitte, , ‘De Kapittelschool van de collegiale Sint-Salvator te Brugge 1514–1594’, Annales de la Société d'Émulation de Bruges, 104 (1967), pp. 41 and 52Google Scholar. A Jan Polet who was magister cantus at St Gilles in Bruges in 1564–6 is identified as being from Hainaut; Dewitte is probably incorrect in assuming that he was the same man as the copyist of the Pense partbooks, since the latter Pollet was almost certainly in Bavaria by then. Dewitte, , ‘Zangmeesters, “schoolmeesters” en organisten aan de Sint-Gilleskerk te Brugge, ca. 1471–ca. 1570’, Biekorf, 77 (1977), pp. 92 and 99Google Scholar. I would like to thank M. Henri Vanhulst for drawing Dewitte's work to my attention.

6 Leuchtmann, H., Orlando di Lasso (Wiesbaden, 1976), i, pp. 264–6Google Scholar; the entire poem is reproduced on p. 267. On the Munich choirbooks, see Maier, J. J., Die musikalischen Handschriften der K. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek (Munich, 1879)Google Scholar; manuscripts copied by Pollet are discussed on pp. 9–13, 49–51 and 89–94. See also Bente, M., Neue Wege der Quellenkritik und die Biographie Ludwig Senfls (Wiesbaden; 1968), pp. 18–29Google Scholar.

7 Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Hs. 18.744, Renaissance Music in Facsimile 25 (New York, 1986), pp. vi–viiGoogle Scholar. On Pollet and Mus. Ms. B, see Owens, , ‘An Illuminated Manuscript of Motets by Cipriano de Rore (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. Ms. B)’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1978)Google Scholar.

8 Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit (Kassel, 1958), pp. 170–1Google Scholar.

9 The surname also appears as Panse, Panze or Pansa in documents from the sixteenth century.

10 Gascon's, Richard excellent article ‘Lyon, marché de l'industrie des Pays-Bas au XVIe siècle et les activités commerciales de la maison Panse (1481–1580)’, Cahiers d'Histoire Publiés par les Universités de Clermont, Lyon et Grenoble, 7/4 (1962), pp. 493–536Google Scholar, is a detailed study of the Pense trade with the Low Countries, and is the basis for the following summary of the family's history. See also Gascon, , Grand commerce et vie urbaine au XVIe siècle: Lyon et ses marchands, 2 vols. (Paris, 1971)Google Scholar; Coornaert, E., Les Français et le commerce international à Anvers, 2 vols. (Paris, 1961)Google Scholar; and , H.-L. and Baudrier, J., Bibliographie lyonnaise, 12 vols. (Lyons and Paris, 1985–1921Google Scholar; reprint, Paris, 1964), which all contain frequent references to the Penses. On Dutroncy, who combined his notarial activities with a remarkable career as a politician, translator and author, see Tricou, J., Benoît Du Troncy, 1525–1530–1599, notaire, sécrétaire de la ville, ligueur et écrivain lyonnais (Lyons, 1953Google Scholar [Albums du Crocodile, 21e année]). Dutroncy, 's best-known work is a satire of notarial procedure entitled Formulaire fort recreatif de tous contractz, donations, testamens, codicilles et autres actes qui sont faicts et passez devant notaires et tesmoings (Lyons, 1593)Google Scholar which he published under the pseudonym ‘Bredin le Cocu’.

11 Will of Gerardin Pense, Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 579 (14 March 1565). According to the will Justinien would reach full majority at the age of twenty-five, although it is not clear which year this would be. As he was of marriageable age in 1571 but not yet twenty-five in 1570, he was probably between fifteen and twenty years old at the time of Gerardin's death. The baptismal registers of St Paul, the parish church of the Penses and one of those who archives were partially destroyed during the Protestant occupation of 1562, are missing for the years around 1550 when Justinien's birth would have been recorded.

12 Gascon, ‘Lyon, marché de l'industrie’, p. 516.

13 ‘As tu doncq bien mon fils, ung si lasche courage / De vouloir oublier celle qui t'ha tant cher, / Et mettre à non challoir tout le tien parentage / Pour une qui ton bien ne pretend qu'empescher, / Et combien qu'on la die estre ton amoureuse, / Jamais n'accorderay qu'elle soit ton espeuse.’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. 10v. Punctuation in all texts cited from the manuscripts is mine; texts have been edited from the superius.

14 ‘… demander et requerir pardevant tous juges et magistratz desfense estre faite à Justinien Pense filz mineur d'avec dud. feu Sr Gerardin Pense et d'elle de contracter mariage avec Jane Orlandin fille de Guill. Orlandin dud. Lyon. Requerir aussi led. Justinien Pense estre detenu et arresté prisonnier pour la punition du delit par luy commis de contracter led. mariage en sa minorité au desceu et maugré lad. constituante sa mere.’ Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 572 (3 July 1570). The ‘Orlandine’ in Pense's poetry, rather an unusual appellation, is thus explained as a diminutive of his beloved's family name. The Orlandini were a family of Florentine merchants established in Lyons; a Jean Orlandini, probably a relative of Justinien's ‘Orlandine’, appears on a 1571 tax list cited by Gascon, , Grand commerce, ii, p. 912Google Scholar.

15 On the edict of 1557 and its legal implications, see de Coras, J., Des mariages clandestinement et irreverament contractés par les enfants de famille, au deceu, ou contre le gré, vouloir & consentement de leurs Peres & meres … (Toulouse: Pierre du Puis, 1557, especially pp. 29–30Google Scholar. On clandestine marriages in general, see Gottlieb, B., ‘The Meaning of Clandestine Marriage’, Family and Sexuality in French History, ed. Wheaton, R. and Hareven, T. K. (Philadelphia, PA, 1980), pp. 49–83Google Scholar.

16 F-PN f.fr. 25536, fol. 9.

17 The marriage contract is dated 20 July 1571, and the wedding presumably took place soon after. Lyons, Archives Départementales, BP 3665, fols. 139v–141v (Insinuations de la Sénéchaussée, 1571). The Bullioud family's notable history is amply documented in the manuscript genealogies of Lyons, Archives Départementales, Fonds Frecon, dossiers rouges, vol. 2, and in the genealogical series of the Bibliothèque Nationale; see particularly MSS f.fr. 29690 (Dossiers bleus, vol. 145), f.fr. 30953 (Cabinet de d'Hozier, vol. 72) and f.fr. 27040 (pièces originales, vol. 556). The latter contains extracts from the registers of the church of Ste Croix in Lyons, recording Emeraude's baptism on 8 July 1552. The hôtel Bullioud, with its celebrated gallery by Philibert Delorme (1536), is still standing at 8 rue Juiverie in Lyons.

18 This information about Cacherano is supplied by Pense's poem. F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. 51v. Cacherano was no doubt a relative of the Ottaviano Cacherano who wrote at least three Latin works connected with Piedmont: Disputatio an principi christiano … (Turin: Cravotum, 1566)Google Scholar; Decisiones sacri senatus Pedemonlani … (Frankfurt: Feyrabend, 1599)Google Scholar; and D. Octaviano Cacherani … responsorum quae in causis arduis et illustribus … (Turin: Societatem Concordiae, 1624)Google Scholar.

19 ‘… qu'elle a sceu et entendu sad. fille estre tellement passionée qu'elle ne la pourrois veoir de bon oeil craignant de tomber de sa part en pareille demesurée passion et se contester de telle sorte qu'elle en tumbast au danger de sa vye. Et qu'elle a trouvé fort mauvais et de pernicieuse consequence que dès le jour d'hier lad. Marie soit sorty d'avec elle emporté ses bagues et hardes sans luy parler ny demander le congé et la benediction qu'elle dut chercher presentement. Et n'eusse jamais pensé que sad. fille qu'elle a eue tant chere soit venue à telle desobeissance.’ Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 567 (7 April 1565).

20 ‘QUY est celluy qui ne caresse / Du Cacheranais la noblesse: / Je ne m'estime au rang / Des bienheureux le moindre, / Puis qu'au sien nostre sang / Hymen a voulu joindre.’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. 53v.

21 According to the caption of the portrait printed in 1574 with his first published treatise Norry was then forty-two. L'Arithmetique de Milks Denorry Gentilhomme Chartrain… (Paris: Gilles Gorbin)Google Scholar, unpaginated. On the Arithmetique, see Davis, N. Z., ‘Sixteenth Century French Arithmetics on the Business Life’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 21 (1960), pp. 18–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Norry was in Lyons by at least 1567, when he abjured Protestantism there. Lyons, Archives Municipals GG 87, pièce 4, cited by Davis, N. Z., ‘Mathematicians in the Sixteenth-Century French Academies: Some Further Evidence’, Renaissance News, 11 (1958), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In 1572 he was taxed as a ‘maistre d'ecole’. Lyons, Archives Municipales cc. 276, cited by Émile Picot, MS F-Pn n.a.f. 23532 (fichier Émile Picot, vol. 60). The privilege for the Arithmetique was issued in Lyons but the book was published in Paris.

23 Les bibliothèques françoises de La Croix du Maine et de Du Verdier (Paris: Rigoley de Juvigny, 1773), ii, p. 139Google Scholar.

24 Les quatres premiers livres de l'Univers… (Paris: Beys, 1589)Google Scholar, L'usage du compas à huict pointes… and L'usage du compas optique… (both Paris: Lenocier, 1588)Google Scholar.

25 ‘Mathematicians’, pp. 3–5.

26 de Valous, G., ‘Les families consulaires de Lyon aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles’, Bulletin Philologique et Historigue (1962), pp. 453–73Google Scholar.

27 La Rodomontade de Pierre Baillony … (anon, pamphlet, Lyons: Jean Pillehotte, 1589), p. 24Google Scholar.

28 Lyons, Archives Départementales, Fonds Frecon, dossiers rouge, vol. 11, s.v. ‘Platel’ (unpaginated); Gascon, , Grand commerce, i, p. 450Google Scholar.

29 Gascon, , Grand commerce, ii, p. 508Google Scholar. Pense and Burnicard both probably fell victim to the plague epidemic of 1564–5. The religious troubles of the 1560s and the roles played by Pense, Platel and Burnicard are discussed on pp. 467–91.

30 Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 573 (21 March 1571), a document formally granting the younger Burnicard his inheritance and the guardianship of that of his younger brother André, explains that since his father's death he had directed the family business ‘comme faysoyt sond. feu pere de la personne’.

31 ‘… prudent et accort, ainsi qu'ung petit pere/ De famille aujourdhuy en paix bonne et prospere, / Tu regis ta maison, au grand contentement / De celle qui porté t'ha neuf mois dans ses flancqs.’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. 53v.

32 ‘Las ne viendra jamais l'heure tant desirée/ Que je puisse revoir le bienheureux sejour/ De mon gentil Lyon, et qu'estant de retour / J'embrasse à mon souhait ma doulce Cytherée./ Je maudis mille fois cest Anvers malheurée/ Qui me retient icy, ne faisant nuict et jour / Que regretter le temps ou je faisois l'amour, / Baisant et rebaisant ceste bouche sucrée./ Tout icy me deplaist, sinon quand quelquefois / Cupidon me conduit aux endroits ou je voy / Les fillettes d'Anvers, qu'on vante les plus belles/ Non qu'en rien mon esprit pour elles soit espris,/ Mais ce m'est grand plaisir de contempler en elles/ Quelque trait des beautés ce celle qui m'ha pris.’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fols. 6v-7.

33 Gascon, ‘Lyon, marché de l'industrie’, p. 514.

34 Gascon, , Grand commerce, ii, p. 481Google Scholar.

35 ‘Pendant ma soeur Leonore / Qu'encor tu es jeune d'ans/ Et qu'une beauté decore/ De ton age le printans,/ Beauté quy comme la rose/ Bien tost se perd et se flestrit/ Fuis la paresse et n'expose/ Aux delices ton esprit.’ F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fol. 55v.

36 Both texts (in substantially different forms from those preserved in the manuscript) appear in the Petit Traicté, contenant en soy la fleur de toutes joyeusetez… (Paris: Bonnemere, 1538)Google Scholar. For later appearances, see Lachèvre, F., Bibliographie des recueils collectifs de poésies du XVIe siècle (Paris, 1922), pp. 374 and 402Google Scholar.

37 Cornet, in La fleur de chansons à troys parties…, ed. Castro, (Louvain and Antwerp: Phalèse and Bellère, 1574) for three voicesGoogle Scholar, and Monte, in Sonetz de P. de Ronsard… (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1575)Google Scholar for five voices.

38 ‘Bien scay que tu n'as pas d'or ny d'argent besoing’/ Asses en a chez toy; puis aussy ta personne/ N'ha pour biens terriens amasser cure et soing,/ Cercant le seul thresor qui en vertu foisonne./ Or que ton naturel à caresser s'adonne/ La Retorique, à toy avec ung doux salut,/ O Pense humble et courtois, ces petits vers je donne,/ Recentement ourdis sur les nerfz de mon luth./ Davantage sachant qu'au chant prens grand soulas,/ Et qu'aux instruments oultre la Retorique,/ Ton esprit exerçant, et que jamais n&es las/ Ou soit à escouter ou chanter la musique,/ Voire et qu'aux professeurs de si docte pratique,/ Assistence et plaisir tu fais; je t'offre encor,' Pour te donner soulas, un beau chant harmonique,/ Noble coeur, la vertu plus estimé que l'or.' F-Pn f.fr. 25536, fols. 42v–43.

39 Sacrorum cantionum quinque et octo vocum… (Louvain, 1571)Google Scholar; modern edition by H. Kammerling, Denkmäler Rheinischer Musik 17 (Düsseldorf, 1974).

40 ‘En la premiere [partie], la mere se complainct de son fils à elle desobeissant: en la seconde, le fils vient à recognoistre sa faute commise envers sa mere, luy demandant grace et pardon: en la troisiesme, il deteste & abhorre l'amour impudique, rendant graces au Tout-puissant de l'avoir delivré de la rage amoureuse.’

41 Las ne viendra jamais is divided into two parties in the manuscript and three in the print; the cadence corresponding to the end of the print's première partie is provided with a fermata in the manuscript, but the music continues on the same folio. The cadence at this point was also altered, from a plagal close on A in the Pense partbooks to a perfect G cadence in the print.

42 The exception is the three-section Je suis banny, a piece in a tonality, E, which posed particular problems at cadence points; the original cadence pattern D, E, E was, however, altered to A, E, E.

43 ‘… mis en ordre convenable suivant leurs Tons.’ For Castro, ‘modal order’ seems to have meant arranging the pieces in tonal groups rather than following an eight- or twelve-mode system in numerical order as it is now generally understood. The Meslanges contains nineteen pieces by Castro followed by fifty-two songs by other composers; the order is: 1 (a twelve-section cycle) ♭–cl–F; 2–7 ♮g2–C; 8–10 ♮–cl–G; 11–13 ♭–g2–G; 14 ♭–g2–F; 15–19 (ending Castro's section) ♭–cl–A; 20–6 ♭–cl–F; 27–31 ♭–cl–G; 32–44 ♭– g2–G; 45 ♭–g2–F; 47–53 ♮–cl–A; 54–5 ♮–cl–E; 56–9 ♮–cl–G; 60–3 ♮–g2–C; 64–9 ♮–g2–D; 70–3 ♮–cl–D. Courtney Adams has observed that La fleur is organised by final and clef combination. ‘The Early Chanson Anthologies Published by Pierre Attaingnant (1528–1530)’, Journal of Musicology, 5 (1987), p. 530nGoogle Scholar. Castro's 1576 Chansons, odes et sonets de Pierre Ronsard is organised by tonal group in the same way as the Meslanges, although this fact is not included in the title page as it was in the earlier collection. Rudolf Rasch has suggested that Phalèse's 1576 print of the popular Septiesme livre des chansons was also edited by Castro, since for the first time the title page bears the label ‘Toutes mises en ordre convenable suivants leurs tons’ and the contents are reorganised in tonal groups according to system, final and cleffing. Atti del XIV Congresso della Società internazionale di muskologia, Bologna, 27 08–1 09 1987 (Torino: Edizioni di Torino, 1990), 1, pp. 310–13Google Scholar. See also Vanhulst, Henry, ‘Un succès de l'édition musicale: le Septiesme livre des chansons à quatre parties (1560–1661/2)’, Revue Beige de Musicologie, 32–3 (1979), pp. 97–120CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 A comparison of cadence pitches advocated by Zarlino with those permitted by Aron is provided in the preface to Zarlino, Gioseffo, On the Modes (bk 4 of Le istitutione harmoniche), trans, and ed. Cohen, V. (New Haven, CT, 1983), p. xivGoogle Scholar.

45 Powers, H., ‘Tonal Types and Modal Categories in Renaissance Polyphony’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), pp. 428–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Modal Representation in Polyphonic Offertories’, Early Music History, 2 (1982), pp. 43–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brown, H. M., ‘Theory importand Practice in the Sixteenth Century: Some Preliminary Notes on Attaingnant's Modally Ordered Chansonniers’, Essays in Musicology: A Tribute to Alvin Johnson, ed. Roesner, E. and Lockwood, L. (Philadelphia, PA, 1990; I would like to thank Professor Brown for allowing me to read his article in typescript)Google Scholar; Haar, J., ‘The Capriccio of Giachet Berchem: A Study in Modal Organization’, Musica Disciplina, 42 (1988), pp. 129–56Google Scholar; and Meier, B., Die Tonarten in der klassichen Vokalpolyphonie (Utrecht, 1974)Google Scholar, rev. edn trans. Beebe, E. as The Modes of Classical Vocal Polyphony (New York, 1988)Google Scholar.

46 The most substantial study of Baïf's academy remains Yates, F., The French Academies of the Sixteenth Century (London, 1974; reprint with foreword by J. B. Trapp, London, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Walker, D. P., ‘The Aims of Baïf's Academie de poésie et de musique’, Journal of Renaissance and Baroque Music, 1 (1946–1947), pp. 91–100Google Scholar; and ‘Musical Humanism in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries’, Music Review, 2 (1941), pp. 1–13, 111–21, 220–7 and 288–308Google Scholar.

47 Bertrand's collection, including the preface, is edited in H. Expert, Monuments de la Musique Française au Temps de la Renaissance 4 (Paris, 1927). The modern edition is based on the 1578 reprint edition of the volume.

48 The revisions made to Rossignol mon mignon (text by Ronsard) are discussed in detail in His, I., ‘Les Meslanges de Claude Le Jeune (Anvers: Plantin, 1585): Transcription et étude critique (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Tours, 1990), pp. 260–322Google Scholar.

49 Joannis a Castro musici celeberrimi Triciniorum sacrorum… (Louvain: Phalèse/Bellère, 1574)Google Scholar, fol. 45. I would like to thank Professor Henri Vanhulst for bringing this motet to ray attention.

50 Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 574 (16 05 1572), ciited by Gascon, ‘Lyon, marché de l'industrie’, p. 516.

51 ‘Cognoissant (Monsieur Pense) le bon vouloir & curieuse affection que portez à ce noble art de musique … & qu'avec si soigneuse diligence vous faictes faire recueil de mes oeuvres’ (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard). The preface appears only in the bassus part, fol. lv; it is reproduced and the music of the volume edited in Bernstein, Jean de Castro.

52 ‘Pense non seulement se dit estre’ amateur/ De la douce armonie et melodieux sons:/ Mais encor' par effect fair voir que protecteur/ Il est de la musique et de ses nourriçons.’ In the Meslanges of the same year (see above) Castro included the same piece, the only difference being that the name ‘Pense’ was replaced by the name ‘Goovarts’. Castro apparently originally wrote the piece for an Antwerp patron and then adapted it for the Pense collection or vice versa.

53 His Chansons, odes et sonetz de Pierre Ronsard… (Louvain and Antwerp: Phalèse and Bellère, 1576)Google Scholar was dedicated to François le Fort, a merchant from Vitré established in Antwerp from 1559. Coornaert, , Les Français et le commerce, p. 304Google Scholar.

54 Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1580; modern edition in Bernstein Jean de Castro. Pense may have helped Castro to make this connection, however, since his mother-in-law was Emeraude de La Porte, no doubt a relative of the consul. See the Bullioud genealogy in F-Pn MS f.fr. 27040 (pièces originales, vol. 586).

55 Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E 556 (19 November 1580).

56 Yates, , French Academies, p. 327Google Scholar, and Boucher, J., La cour de Henri III (Paris, 1986), p. 197Google Scholar. I would like to thank Isabelle His for bringing Pense's Parisian connections to my attention.

57 On the Retz, , see my article ‘The Countess of Retz and the Air de cour of the 1570's’, Le concert dex voix et des instruments à la Renaissance: Actes du XXXlVe Colloque International, ed. Vaccaro, J.-M. (Paris, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

58 Lyons, Archives Départementales, 3 E, unclassed inventory, 1565, cited by Gascon, ‘Lyon, marché de l'industrie’, p. 515. The differences in the characters and goals of Justinien and Gerardin Pense are discussed on pp. 515–17. Gascon's reference to the inventory does not correspond to any current classification in the Archives Départementales, and he did not furnish the name of the notary by whom it was copied. Repeated searches in the Archives have failed to uncover it. According to Gascon's description, the inventory contains no mention of a library; he does not specify whether Gerardin owned any music books or musical instruments.

59 Bitton, D., The French Nobility in Crisis 1560–1640 (Stanford, CA, 1969)Google Scholar, is a study of the problems besetting the nobility and the solutions proffered by contemporary writers; see especially chapter 6, ‘The Ambiguity of Noble Status’, for discussion of anoblissement and the encroachment of commoners into areas previously reserved for the aristocracy.

60 On the three-part chanson and Castro's contribution to the genre, see Adams, C., ‘The Three-Part Chanson During the Sixteenth Century: Changes in its Style and Importance’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1974)Google Scholar. Castro's dedication to Marguerite, and Hooftman, Beatrice in the Chansons, Stanses, Sonets el epigrammes à deux parties (Antwerp: Phalèse and Bellère, 1592)Google Scholar clearly specifies that the music is for the two young women to sing, accompanying themselves with the lute or spinet.

61 For most of the following information on Lyonnais music prints I am deeply indebted to Laurent Guillo. All of the editions mentioned here are discussed in detail in his recent study, Les éditions musicales de la Renaissance lyonnaise (Paris, 1991)Google Scholar.