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Giulio de' Medici's music books*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Anthony M. Cummings
Anthony M. Cummings
Affiliation:
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, Princeton
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Extract

David S. Chambers's provocative study of the cardinalate in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries is rich in implications for music historians. A document of December 1509 suggests that at that time a cardinal's household averaged 144 familiares, and the 1526 census revealed similar figures. Moreover, the corporate income of the College of Cardinals had been regulated since 1289 by a Bull of that year that decreed that a half of certain items of papal revenue was to be divided among cardinals resident in Rome, although the actual amounts that individual cardinals received fluctuated in response to changes in the size of the college. There were other sources of income: Roman residents were entitled to the revenue of their ‘title’ church, and those few who held office in the Roman bureaucracy commanded extraordinary salaries. For cardinals with musical interests, the institutional and economic conditions necessary to sustain a musical establishment therefore existed, and despite the relative absence of information on such establishments, we may assume that there were singers and instrumentalists among the familiares of many cardinals' households.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 10 , October 1991 , pp. 65 - 122
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

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References

1 Chambers, D. S., ‘The Economic Predicament of Renaissance Cardinals’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 3 (1966), pp. 287–313, especially pp. 293, 295, 297–9Google Scholar.

2 My biography of Giulio is based largely on Prosperi, A., ‘Clemente vii’;, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 32 vols. (Rome, 1960–), xxvi, pp. 237–59Google Scholar.

3 Chambers, p. 299 n. 52. On Chambers' source, see also the important note by Bullard, M., Filippo Strozzi and the Medici (Cambridge, 1980), p. 140, n. 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; I am grateful to Sheryl Reiss for bringing this note to my attention.

4 Ibid., p. 292 and n. 15.

5 Shearman, J., ‘A Functional Interpretation of Villa Madama’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 20 (1983), pp. 315–27, especially p. 324Google Scholar.

6 In addition to those published here, the principal texts pertaining to Clement's patronage that are at present available may be found in the following: Sherr, R., ‘New Archival Data concerning the Chapel of Clement vii’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 29 (1976), pp. 472–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, passim; Frey, H.-W., ‘Regesten zur päpstlichen Kapel unter Leo x. und zu seiner Privatkapelle’, Die Musikforschung, 8 (1955), pp. 58–73, 178–99 and 412–37, and 9 (1956), pp. 46–57, 139–56 and 411–19, especially 8, pp. 180 n. 47 and 197, and 9, pp. 49, 144–5 and 152Google Scholar; Bragard, A.-M., ‘Détails nouveaux sur les musiciens de la cour du Pape Clément vii’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 12 (1985), pp. 5–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar, passim; Frey, , ‘Klemens vii. und der Prior der päpstlichen Kapelle Nicholo de Pitti’, Die Musikforschung, 4 (1951), pp. 175–84Google Scholar, passim; Frey, , ‘Michelagniolo und die Komponisten seiner Madrigale’, Acta Musicologica, 24 (1952), pp. 147–97, especially pp. 163CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 67, 164 n. 68, 170−1 and n. 108 and 172; Haberl, F. X., ‘Die römische “schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Bausteine für Musikgeschichte, iii (Leipzig, 1888, repr. 1971), pp. 71–5Google Scholar; Ducrot, A., ‘Histoire de la Cappella Giulia au xvie siècle depuis sa fondation par Jules ii (1513) jusqu'à sa restauration par Grégoire xiii (1578)’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, 75 (1963), pp. 179–240 and 467–559, especially pp. 191CrossRefGoogle Scholar and n. 2, 192 and n. 1, 498 and n. 1, 500 and n. 3, 532 n. 2 and 536–7; Plon, E., Benvenuto Cellini, orfevre, médailleur, sculpteur (Paris, 1883), pp. 10–11 n. 1Google Scholar; Cametti, A., ‘I musici di Campidoglio’, Archivio della Società Rornana di Storia Patria, 48 (1925), pp. 25ffGoogle Scholar.

7 ‘no vol bufoni, non musichi, non va a caza, ne altri piaceri, come feva li altri Pontefici’; I diarii di Marino Sanuto, 59 vols. (Venice, 1879–1903), xli, col. 283Google Scholar. Unless otherwise noted, translations of sixteenth-century texts are my own.

8 ‘Soa Santità ha tolto cantori et altri, et rinova la corte et spera haver la roca di Viterbo dove vol andar’; ibid., xlvii, col. 270.

9 ‘da poi pranso [il] Pontefice … era in leto … et si havea una musica di tre lauti’; ibid., lviii, col. 610.

10 ‘Finito che fu le secrete il papa disse el prefatio et molto bene, per haver bona voce, et esser perfeto musico.’ ibid., lii, col. 648.

11 ‘e certo niun altro si vede più graziata e devotamente celebrare ed eseguire alcune ecclesiastiche osservanze, di quello che fa Sua Santità; servendola in questo anche molto la musica, arte a ui molto propria; di sorte che è fama, il papa essere delli buoni musiciche ora siano in Italia’; see Alberi, E., ed., Relazioni degli ambastiatori veneti al Senato, 2nd series, iii (Florence, 1846), p. 278Google Scholar.

12 Slim, H. C., ‘The Keyboard Ricercar and Fantasia in Italy, c. 1500–1550’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1960), pp. 161–3Google Scholar.

13 ‘alla vegna de S. S.tà [the Villa Madame], dove è un Principio de un bellissimo alloggiamento cum qualche stantie finite, sumptuose et magnifiche al possibile, fatte nel tempo che era Cardinale. La cena fu molto honorevole et copiosa assai de vivande et sempre fin che si stette li, … si ebbe intertenimenti de musica de varie sorte.’ Luzio, A., ‘Isabella d'Este e il sacco di Roma’, Archivio Storico Lombardo, 4th series, 35/x (1908), pp. 5–107, 361–425, especially pp. 14–15Google Scholar.

14 ‘Il cavagliero Franceschino [Cibo] condusse Sua Signoria [Isabella d'Este] in la stantia direc dove Nostro Signore manza hora ordinarimente, et havendo preparata li una bella colatione de confetti di zucharo, frutti et altre diverse cose, fece doppoi venire Francesco de Milano, excellentissimo sonatore de liuto, come forsi deve sapere Vostra Excellentia [Federico Gonzaga], con dui compagni che fecero musica con dui liuti et uno violone.’ Prizer, W. F., ‘Lutenists at the Court of Mantua in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries’, Journal of the Lute Society of America, 13 (1980), pp. 5–35, especially p. 34Google Scholar. (The translation is Prizer's.)

15 Lowinsky, E. E., ed., The Medici Codex of 1518, 3 vols., Monuments of Renaissance Music 3–5 (Chicago, 1968), i, pp. 64–5Google Scholar.

16 See the texts published in the studies cited above (note 6).

17 Frey, ‘Klemens vii.’ (see note 6), pp. 180–1.

18 Haberl (see note 6), especially pp. 72–3 n. 3.

19 Prosperi (see note 2), p. 238, and Butters, H., Governors and Government in Early Sixteenth- Century Florence, 1502–1519 (Oxford, 1985), p. 208 and n. 110Google Scholar.

20 The 1513 carnival is discussed at length in my study Music and Political Experience in Medici Florence, 1512–1537 (Princeton, forthcoming).

21 ‘ho inteso el desiderio che quella ha di havere e pifferi et tromboni di Cesena …; e perchè non credo vi sia cosa excellente, judico che costi si chiami buona musica quella che costa Poco, et parmi che la M. V. non se ne dilecti come fe el papa’; Sherr, R., ‘Lorenzo de' Medici, Duke of Urbino, as a Patron of Music’, Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth, 2 vols. (Florence, 1985), i, pp. 628–38, especially p. 634 n. 11Google Scholar. For the texts of other letters between Lorenzo and Cardinal Giulio concerning the pifferi, see pp. 634 n. 8 and 635 nn. 12 and 14.

22 Sherr, R., ‘Verdelot in Florence, Coppini in Rome, and the Singer “La Fiore”’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 37 (1984), pp. 402–11, especially p. 409CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Cummings, Music and Political Experience.

24 ‘N. S. desidera che V. S. Reverendissima facci opera col Maestro di Capella del Cristianissimo di havere tre putti cantori de la età et voce che la vedrà, per un memoriale che sarà in questa che mi ha fatto Carpentrasse. Et quando bisognasse parlarne a Sua Maestà, fate l'offitio come et quando meglio vi parerà, pure in nome di sua Beatitudine.’ Guasti, C., ‘I manoscritti Torrigiani donati al R. Archivio centrale di stato’, Archivio Storico Italiano, 3rd series, 24 (1976), p. 10Google Scholar.

25 ‘Madama ha preso 1'assunto di trovare et di mandare a Nostro Signore i tre putti musici, seconda la nota di Carpentrasse’; Moncallero, G. L., Epistolario de Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena, 2 vols., Biblioteca dell' ‘Archivum Romanicum’ 44, 81 (Florence, 1955, 1965), ii, p. 127Google Scholar. I can offer no explanation as to why Giulio's letter to Dovizi, which is given here first, is dated 4 September 1518, after Dovizi's letter to Giulio, which is dated 18 July 1518, when the content of Giulio's suggests that it must have preceded Dovizi's; I have not seen the original documents, and it may be that one of the editors reported mistakenly on the date.

26 d'Accone, F. A., ‘The Musical Chapels at the Florentine Cathedral and Baptistry during the First Half of the 16th Century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 24 (1971), pp. 1–50, especially p. 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Sherr (see note 22), especially p. 409.

28 On Gian Maria, see Cummings, A. M., ‘Gian Maria Giudeo, Sonatore del Liuto, and the Medici’ Fontes Artis Musicae 38 (1991);Google Scholar on Conseil as a member of Giulio's household, see the texts of documents dated 4 March; 1517, 11 January 1520 and 9 April 1521 in Frey, ‘Regesten’ (see note 6), pp. 180−1. Richard Sherr graciously informed me of the existence of another reference of 1517 (Rome, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Registri delle suppliche, 1598, fol. 218v) that similarly documents Conseil as a member of Giulio's famiglia; I am grateful to Professor Sherr for providing me with a copy of the document in question.

Two other references suggest that Cardinal Giulio may have taken an interest in the musical education of his protégés or associates; an account book in Rome, Archivio di Stato (Camerale I, Appendice 6), that lists expenses incurred by Giulio's page (fol. 26r, ‘mdxxi A presso nota dipiù spese fatte p[er] Stefano di m[esser] Mario Crece[n]tio paggio d[e]l R[everendissi]mo Car[dina]le d[e'] medici incominciate addi 6 di november 1520’) contains the following item: ‘E am[aestr]o Ber[nard]o sonatore diliuto p[er] havere insegnato ad[e]c[t]o Stefano dua mesi.’ And in his autobiography, Benvenuto Cellini recorded that Cardinal Giulio offered to assist the young artist and provide letters of recommendation for him should he choose to go to Bologna to study music with a renowned master named Antonio; in this instance, however, I should note that, according to Cellini, Giulio failed to fulfil the terms of his offer, which in any event was made not on Giulio's own initiative but in response to a suggestion from a certain Pierino, a pupil of Cellini's father; see The Life of Benvenuto Cellini, trans. Symonds, J. A. (London, 1920), pp. 12–15Google Scholar.

29 ‘IUL: Prorsus Laurenti: nullum enim genus antiquarum literarum omisi, quod non attingerem, quia suspiciebar, praecipua vitae ornamenta esse literas, incenaque etiam sum maximo studio perdiscendi Musicam et Picturam quoniam haec ad perfectionem corporum notitiam adiumentum aflert maximum, ilia, quod faciat, nos otium honeste & cum magna animi voluptate tenere, si modo illud complecti velimus.’ For assistance with the translation, and for help on many other matters given with characteristic generosity, I am grateful to Dott. Gino Corti of Villa I Tatti. I am grateful for the reference to Alcionio, and for the transcription, to Sheryl Reiss, who also suggested that the narrative content of the scene depicted in Giulio's official seal may be indirect evidence of his musical interests: it is a Nativity scene in which musicians are present, and since musicians are by no means indispensable to the narrative, their presence may suggest that the artist who designed the seal was responding to Giulio's interests.

30 ‘Heri andai dal Nostro Santità, qual ritrovai a Belvedere … cum … l'Arcevescovo di Fiorenza. In l'anticamera era el Reverendissimo Cardinale de Ferrara et Monsignore Cardinale de Ancona v[i]site el Nostro Santita et poi la musica di violini che fece Zoanne Maria Judeo.’ Prizer (see note 14), especially p. 33. (The translation is Prizer's.)

31 ‘Et mangioli [the site of the future Villa Madama] cum Sua San.tà Adriano, Auns, Sauli, Cornaro, et Medici, et el S. Ant.° M.a et Frate Mariano, et il Protho ge intraveneno cum la sua musica’; Shearman, J., ‘A Note on the Chronology of Villa Madama’, The Burlington Magazine, 129 (1987), pp. 179–81Google Scholar; for this reference I am grateful to Sheryl Reiss. The pope was not the only host who included Cardinal Giulio among his guests on occasions when music was performed; on 7 May 1518, Pompeo Colonna hosted a convivio on which Cornelius de Fine reported in his diary (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ottob, Lat. 2137): ‘plebis autem innumerabilis multitudo, Sonorum, et omnis generis musicorum infinilus numerus: …’. For this reference, and for providing me with a copy of the relevant page from the diary, I am again grateful to Sheryl Reiss.

32 Manuscript sigla used in this article are those found in the Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music 1400–1550, 5 vols., Renaissance Manuscript Studies 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1979–1988)Google Scholar; on VatP 1982, see vol. iv, p. 25.

33 See Schunke, I., Die Einbädnde der Palatina in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek, 2 vols., Studi e Testi 216–18 (Vatican City, 1962), i, p. 176Google Scholar, Tafel cxxxiii, and ii, p. 902.

34 On the Cappella Sistina manuscripts, see now Dean, J., ‘The Scribes of the Sistine Chapel, 1501–1527’ (PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 1984)Google Scholar. Giulio was also Cardinal Protector of the French king, and in that role had a relationship to the church of San Luigi dei Francesi in Rome, as Sheryl Reiss reminded me. Although the relationship was largely ceremonial, I would observe, first of all, that the musical repertory of the church in the early sixteenth century bore some relationship to the Cappella Sistina repertory and, second, that the ‘Johannes Heritier’ listed among the members of Leo's famiglia in 1514 may be identical with the well-known composer Jean Lhéritier, who was one of the early maestri di cappella at San Luigi. I would not necessarily argue that the early sixteenth-century music manuscripts from San Luigi should therefore be considered products of Giulio's patronage; however, might not members of the musical establishment at the church have asked Cardinal Giulio to intercede on their behalf in order to secure Lhéritier's appointment and to procure pieces from the Sistine Chapel repertory? On the choirmasters, see Frey, H.-W., ‘Die Kapellmeister an der französischen Nationalkirche San Luigi dei Francesi in Rom im 16. Jahrhundert. Teil I: 1514–1577, Teil II: 1577–1608’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 22 (1965), pp. 272–93, especially 274–6, and 23 (1966), pp. 32–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on the ‘Johannes Heritier’ in Leo's household, see Frey, ‘Michelagniolo’ (note 6), p. 162 n. 63; on the musical repertory of the church, see Perkins, L. L., ‘Notes bibliographiques au sujet de l'ancien fond musical de l'église de Saint Louis des Francais à Rome’ Fontes Artis Musicae, 16 (1969), pp. 57–71Google Scholar, Staehelin, M., ‘Zum Schicksal des alten Musikalien-Fonds von San Luigi dei Francesi in Rom’, Fontes Artis Musicae, 17 (1970), pp. 120–7Google Scholar (especially pp. 125–6 n. 23, on MS BerlS 40091), and (also on BerlS 40091) Staehelin, , review of Lowinsky, The Medici Codex (see note 15), Journal of the American Musicological Society, 33 (1980), pp. 575–87, especially p. 578 and n. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 See the entry for VatP 1980−1 in Census-Catalogue (note 32); the paper type specified there, Briquet 491 (see Briquet, C. M., Les filigranes, ed. Stevenson, A., 4 vols. [Amsterdam, 1968]Google Scholar), is documented in Florence in 1519, but one version or another of this extremely common mark is found in many parts of Italy, and great care should therefore be exercised in assessing its significance; see Mošin, V., Anchor Watermarks (Amsterdam, 1973), passimGoogle Scholar.

36 See, for example, Briquet 6267–8 and 6280–2. Because the manuscript is in oblong quarto, the watermarks appear at the fold of the page and never appear in their entirety; rather, each appearance is of half of the mark. For these reasons, and because I was unable to arrange for photographs of the marks – and thus cannot offer documentation for any assertion I might make – I am reluctant to attempt to specify more precisely which of Briquet's exemplars most closely resemble the marks in VatP 1980 (though I have excluded some exemplars). Further study may serve to identify the marks precisely. As Iain Fenlon reminds me, however, in any analysis of watermarks one has to be aware of the existence of and differences between ‘twin’ marks; see especially Stevenson, A., ‘Watermarks are Twins’, Studies in Bibliography, 4 (1951–1952), pp. 57–91Google Scholar.

37 See note 35.

38 See, for example, Briquet, nos. 3369–70, 3373, 3384–3385, 3387–94; but see also the reservation expressed in note 36. In any further study of VatP 1980–1, attempts should be made to procure beta radiographs of the watermarks so that careful comparisons with Briquet's exemplars can be made and the relevance of the evidence of the paper types to a proper interpretation of the manuscript can be determined. Analyses of the readings of the works in the repertory should also be undertaken in order to determine VatP 1980–1981's ‘textual’ relationship to its concordant sources. Both kinds of analysis were beyond the scope of this paper, but I am fully aware of their relevance to a more complete assessment of the manuscript. From the information currently available concerning the evidence both of paper types and of ‘textual’ traditions represented in the manuscript, I would at least be prepared to say that neither type of evidence is inconsistent with the thesis advanced here concerning MS VatP 1980–1.

39 See the plate in Lowinsky (note 15), p. 64. The presence of Josquin's chanson Se conge pram may be internal evidence for a Medici provenance; on its Medicean associations, see Brauner, M., ‘The Manuscript Verona, Accademia Filarmonica, B 218 and its Political Motets’, Studi Musicali, 16 (1987), pp. 3–12, especially pp. 6–10Google Scholar.

40 Sherr, R., ‘The Membership of the Chapels of Louis xii and Anne de Bretagne in the Years Preceding their Deaths’, The Journal of Musicology, 6 (1988), pp. 60–82, especially pp. 71 n. 49 and 78 n. 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Lockwood, L., ‘Jean Mouton and Jean Michel: New Light on French Music and Musicians in Italy, 1505–1520’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 32 (1979), pp. 191–246CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Lockwood, L., ‘Adrian Willaert and Cardinal Ippolito i d'Este: New Light on Willaert's Early Career in Italy, 1515–1521’, Early Musk History, 5 (1985), pp. 85–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In my forthcoming study Music and Political Experience in Medici Florence, I present the texts of three documents that demonstrate that Cardinal d'Este was present on the occasion of three different performances of music in Medici Rome, and I speculate that the documents may suggest a personal relationship between Leo and Ippolito that was based in part on a common interest in music and that may help to explain Ferrarese-papal musical connections.

43 See Frey, ‘Regesten’ (note 6), 8, p. 61.

44 See Brown, H. M., ‘Févin, Antoine de’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), vi, pp. 515–17Google Scholar; for sixteenth-century testimony to Leo's regard for Mouton, see the dedication to Adrien le Roy's and Robert Ballard's collection of Mouton's motets printed in 1555, as published in Lesure, F., ‘Un document sur la jeunesse de Jean Mouton’, Revue Beige de Musicohgie, 5 (1951), pp. 177–8Google Scholar.

45 I argue thus largely on the basis of the print's repertory (see Fenlon, I. and Haar, J., The Italian Madrigal in the Early Sixteenth Century [Cambridge, 1988], pp. 205–7)Google Scholar, its provenance and date (Rome, 1520) and its relationship to concordant sources (it is most densely concordant with such sources as FlorBN ii. i. 232, FlorL 666 and 15213, among others).

46 See Lockwood (note 41), especially pp. 234–41.

47 Atlas, A., The Cappella Giulia Chansonnier, 2 vols. (Brooklyn, NY, 1975), i, p. 241Google Scholar.

48 Gröber, G., ‘Zu den Liederbüchern von Cortona’, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, 11 (1887), pp. 371–404CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49 As has been observed (Fenlon and Haar [note 45], pp. 119–20), collation in quinterns is not unequivocal evidence of Florentine origin. Nonetheless, many Florentine manuscripts are so collated; see Atlas (note 47), i, p. 24 n. 4.

50 Redmond, M., ‘A Set of Part-Books for Giuliano de' Medici: Cortona, Biblioteca Comunale, MSS, 95, 96 and Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Nouvelle acquisition 1817’ (M.M. thesis, University of Illinois, 1970), p. 3Google Scholar; Jeppesen, K., La frottola, 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1968–1970), ii, pp. 17–18Google Scholar. I wish to thank Professor Lawrence Earp of the University of Wisconsin at Madison for examining the manuscript and reporting on some of its physical characteristics.

51 See my article ‘A Florentine Sacred Repertory from the Medici Restoration’, Acta Musicologica, 55 (1983), pp. 267–332, especially p. 280 and n. 38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 A plate of the illuminated initial ‘P’ as it appears in the superius and altus books may be found in Levi, E., La lirica italiana nel cinquecento e nel seicento fino all' Arcadia (Florence, 1909), p. 258bisGoogle Scholar. For an instance of the feather design, see, for example, the ‘L’ of 'Laurus impertu fulminus …’ that forms part of the text of Isaac's Quis dabit capiti (fois. 48v-50r [superius partbook]); for representation of Lorenzo il Magnifico's device, see Cox-Rearick, J., Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art(Princeton, NJ, 1984)Google Scholar, plate 1. In A Gift of Madrigals and Motets, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1972), i, p. 36Google Scholar, Colin Slim suggested that the illuminator of CorBC 95–6/ParisBNN 1817 may have been Giovanni Boccardi, on the basis of the illuminations' similarities to those in Chicago, Newberry Library, Case MS.- VM 1578.M91, which he had earlier identified as Boccardi's (pp. 29–36). I find Slim's suggestion plausible. Compare, for example, the illuminated initial ‘P’ in Figure 2 with the initials ‘Q’ illustrated in the colour plate facing the title page of vol. i of Slim's study.

53 Atlas, A., ‘Heinrich Isaac's Palle, palle: A New Interpretation’, Studien zur italienischdeutschen Musikgeschichte, 9, Analecta Musicologica, 14 (1974), pp. 17–25Google Scholar.

54 For example, see Cox-Rearick (note 52), p. 82.

55 Gröber (see note 48), p. 372 n. 3.

56 Armand, A., Les médailleurs italiens des quinzième el seizième siècles, 3 vols. (Paris, 1883–1887), iii, p. 191Google Scholar.

57 Hill, G. F., A Corpus of Italian Medals of the Renaissance before Cellini, 2 vols. (London, 1930), i, pp. 284–5Google Scholar.

58 ‘avendo presa per moglie la zia del Re di Francia, … et essendo fatto Confalonier della Chiesa, per mostrare che le Fortuna, la quale gli era stata contraria per tanti anni, si cominciava a rivolgere in favor suo, fece fare un'anima senza corpo in uno scudo triangolare, cioè una parola di sei lettere, che diceva GLOVIS, e leggendola a lorovescio, SI VOLG’; see the edition of the relevant portion of Giovio's treatise in Zenatti, A., ‘Andrea Antico da Montona: nuovi apppunti’, Archivio Storico per Trieste, l'Istria e il Trentino, 3 (1884), especially p. 260Google Scholar.

59 Perry, M., ‘“Candor Illaesvs” The “Impresa” of Clement vii and Other Medici Devices in the Vatican Stanze’, The Burlington Magazine, 119 (1977), pp. 676–86, especially p. 679Google Scholar.

60 Ames-Lewis, F., ‘Early Medici Devices’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 42, (1979), pp. 122–43, especially p. 122CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Ibid.

62 de la Mare, A., ‘New Research on Humanistic Hands in Florence’, Miniatura fiorentina del Rinascimento, ed. Garzelli, A., 2 vols. (Florence, 1985), i, pp. 393–600, especially pp. 468–9Google Scholar.

63 Chapman, C. W., ‘Andrea Antico’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1964), pp. 63–4Google Scholar. The motto appears in the same form as in MS Ashburnham 1075 of the Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana; see the plate of a page of the Antico print in Boorman, S., ‘Early Music Printing: An Indirect Contact with the Raphael Circle’, Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth (see note 21), ii, pp. 533–54, especially p. 553, plate 4Google Scholar.

64 I am grateful to Dottoressa Giovanna Lazzi of the Sala di Manoscritti of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence for bringing the example of MS Landau Finaly 183 to my attention (Dottoressa Lazzi is preparing a catalogue of the Landau Finaly collection). On the decoration of S. Maria Novella on the occasion of Leo's visit, see Shearman, J., ‘The Florentine Entrata of Leo x’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 38 (1975), pp. 136–54, esp. p. 148 n. 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A plate showing the GLOVIS motto in S. Maria Novella may be found in , C. and Thiem, G., ‘Andrea di Cosimo Feltrini und die Groteskendekoration der Florentiner Hochrenaissance’, Zeitschrift für Kunslgeschkhte, 24 (1961), pp. 1–39, p. 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar, plate 16.

65 I am grateful to Sheryl Reiss for reminding me that Pontormo's lunette at Poggio contains the device and for signalling its particular importance in this context. More so than in some of the other instances of its use cited thus far, in this case it may refer to the family more generally, rather than to Leo specifically. A plate of the lunette at Poggio may be found in Cox-Rearick (see note 52), colour plate 2. A representation of the floor of the Stanza della Segnatura may be found in Shearman, J., ‘The Vatican Stanze: Functions and Decoration’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 57 (1971), pp. 369–424Google Scholar and plates xxvii-xxxi, especially plate xxxi. For still other ‘Leonine’ uses of GLOVIS, see the manuscript Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina, x, fol. lxxi (for this reference I am grateful to Sheryl Reiss) and de Montault, X. B., ‘Inventaire de la Chapelle papale”, Bulletin Monumental, 5th series, 45/7 (1879), p. 267Google Scholar: ‘Un messal grande, dove è una messa ad longum dei SS. Pietro e Paolo, coperto di broccato in filo rosso, con 4 scudi d'argento indorato, dove son rilievi et intagli, cioè quattro teste de leone con 4 diamanti con lettere Suave gloviis con 4 fibbie d'argento indorate’.

66 See de' Medici, Giuliano, Poesie, ed. Fatini, G. (Florence, 1939), pp. cvi n. 1, cviii, cxiv and cxviiGoogle Scholar.

67 I am grateful to Sheryl Reiss for bringing this example to my attention and sending me a photograph of the relevant folio. I am also grateful to her for informing me of another instance of the device's use: Giles, P. M. and Wormald, F., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Additional Illuminated Manuscripts in the Fitzwilliam Museum, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1982), i, pp. 118–19Google Scholar, make reference to a manuscript, Marlay Cutting It 33 b, a vertical border from a liturgical manuscript (possibly a missal) executed for Clement vii, that contains a tablet at the top inscribed ‘CLEM. vii. PON. MA’, a yoke with the inscription ‘Suave’ and a tablet at the bottom with the inscription ‘GLO VI S’. The device is thus used in a Giulian context, but since it appears in conjunction with Leonine devices (the yoke and the motto ‘Suave’) it may be that in this instance it should be interpreted as generically Medicean rather than specifically Giulian.

68 Pächt, O. and Alexander, J. J. G., Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1966–), ii, p. 109Google Scholar. Iain Fenlon suggested that Boccardi may have illuminated the Bodleian print. The style of the illuminations is not dissimilar to that of CorBC 95–6/ParisBNN 1817, and given that Colin Slim attributed the illuminations in CorBC 95–6/ParisBNN 1817 to Boccardi (see note 52 above), Dr Fenlon's suggested identification, arrived at independently, is plausible. I am grateful to him for making it.

69 Pirrotta, N., ‘Istituzioni musicali nella Firenze dei Medici’, Firenze e la Toscana dei Medicinell'Europa del '500, 3 vols. (Florence, 1983), i, pp. 37–54, especially p. 43 n. 25Google Scholar.

70 Rifkin, J., ‘Scribal Concordances for some Renaissance Manuscripts in Florentine Libraries’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), pp. 305–26, especially p. 313 n. 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Cummings, ‘A Florentine Sacred Repertory’ (see note 51), passim.

72 Atlas (see note 47), passim (on VatG xiii.27), and (on BolC Q17) Wright, C., ‘Antoine Brumel and Patronage at Paris’, Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Fenlon, I. (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 37–60, especially p. 52 n. 38Google Scholar.

73 On the date and provenance of FlorC 2442, see, most recently, Bernstein, L., ‘Notes on the Origin of the Parisian Chanson’, The Journal of Musicology, 1 (1982), pp. 275–326, especially pp. 286–7, n. 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 On FlorBN Magl. 107bis, Rifkin (see note 70), especially p. 312 n. 25; on FlorBN Magi. 178, Atlas (see note 47), i, p. 247.

75 Cox-Rearick (see note 52), passim.

76 ‘fece fare un'anima senza corpo …, che diceva GLOVIS, e leggendola a lo rovescio, SIVOLG; … per mostrare che la Fortuna, la quale gli era stata contraria per tanti anni, si cominciava a rivolgere in favor suo’. On the changes in the status of the regime around 1520, see Hale, J. R., Florence and the Medici: The Pattern of Control (London, 1977), pp. 95–108Google Scholar. On Fortune's wheel as a Medicean (and specifically Giulian) device, see also Eisler, R., ‘The Frontispiece to Sigismondo Fanti's Triompho di Fortuna’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 10 (1947), pp. 155–9, especially pp. 156–7 and plate 41bCrossRefGoogle Scholar. For this reference, I am grateful to Iain Fenlon.

77 Gröber (see note 48), p. 372.

78 Marbach, C., Carmina scriptuarum (Hildesheim, 1963), pp. 318 and 392Google Scholar; Just, M., ‘Studien zu Heinrich Isaacs Motetten’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, Eberhard-Karls Universität, Tübingen, 1960), ii, Werkverzeichnis, ‘Motetten’Google Scholar;.

79 On MS 660, see Cox-Rearick (note 52), p. 108. On Selvi's medallion, see Ames-Lewis (note 60), especially p. 126, and Hill (note 57), i, p. 284.

80 Gelli, J., Divise motti imprese di famiglie e personaggi italiani (Milan, 1916), pp. 238, 450Google Scholar. On the dog as a Medici device, see also Cox-Rearick (note 52), pp. 108 and 142. On the ascription of the attribute of constancy to Leo x in an ephemeral work of art executed on the occasion of his visit to Florence in 1515, see Shearman (note 64), esp. pp. 141 and 145; in my view, however, the use of the inscription ‘COSTANTE’ in the Cortona-Paris manuscript is likelier to sustain the more general interpretation offered here than a specific interpretation.

81 Pannella, L., ‘Le composizioni profane di una raccolta fiorentina del cinquecento’, Rivista Italiana di Muskologia, 3 (1968), pp. 3–47, especially pp. 6–7 n. 3Google Scholar.

82 Cox-Rearick (see note 52), pp. 220−3, for example.

83 ‘Petrucci at Fossombrone’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1976), pp. 226 and 228Google Scholar.

84 For biographical information, see the relevant entries in The New Grove Dictionary (note 44).

85 Ibid., and Sherr's study cited in note 40. On Lhéritier among the members of Leo's famiglia, see note 34, above.

86 Frey, ‘Regesten’ (see note 6), 9, pp. 140 and n. 94, 141 and 142 n. 7.

87 Some texts may be found in Cummings, A. M., ‘Medici Musical Patronage in the Early Sixteenth Century: New Perspectives’, Studi Musicali, 10 (1981), pp. 197–216, especially pp. 205 and 207Google Scholar; Brown, H. M., ‘Chansons for the Pleasure of a Florentine Patrician’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: A Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. LaRue, J. (New York, 1966), pp. 56–66, especially p. 64 n. 22Google Scholar; and Sherr (see note 21), especially p. 637 n. 36.

88 ‘Obgleich Anfangsstadium und Entwicklungswege der neuen Gattung noch wenig aufgehellt werden konnten, gilt es als sicher, dass die meisten Beitr. dazu aus den unter den Medicipäpsten eng verbündeten Stadten Florenz und Rom stammten. … Der Übergang zum Madrigal-Typus … vollzog sich wahrscheinlich in der Umgebung des Kardinals Giuiio dei Medici während seines Florentiner Aufenthaltes (1519–1523) und in den ersten Jahren seines Pontifikats als Clemens vii.’ Pirrotta, , ‘Rom’, Die Musik in Geschkhte und Gegenwart, ed. Blume, F., 17 vols. (Kassel and Basle, 1949–1986), xi, cols. 695–707, especially 706Google Scholar.

89 ‘From Frottola to Madrigal’, Chanson and Madrigal, 1480–1530, ed. Haar, J. (Cambridge, MA, 1964), pp. 51–72, especially pp. 62–4 and 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Haar, J., ‘The Early Madrigal’, Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Fenlon, I. (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 163–92, especially pp. 189–90Google Scholar. Fenlon, Iain has argued similarly: he observed (‘Context and Chronology of the Early Florentine Madrigal’, La letleratura, la rappresentazione, la musica al tempo e nei luoghi di Giorgione, ed. Muraro, M. [Rome, 1987], pp. 281–93, especially p. 284)Google Scholar that the French chanson was disseminated in Italy between 1460 and 1525 in four distinct manuscript traditions, the last of which was specifically Florentine and consists of sources written during the second and third decades of the sixteenth century: FlorBC 2442, FIorBN Magl. 107bis, FlorBN Magl. 117, FlorBN Magl. 121, FlorBN Magl. 164−7. This complex of sources forms CorBC 95−6/ParisBNN 1817's immediate context, and, as Fenlon remarked further, the French chanson was one of the elements in the Florentine musical culture in which the madrigal emerged.

In their recent book (see note 45), Fenlon and Haar have challenged Pirrotta's thesis about the importance of Medici patronage to the emergence of the madrigal. I myself am not prepared to abandon Pirrotta's thesis; indeed, for reasons that I hope to detail elsewhere, I believe it continues to be valid.

91 Music and Theatre from Poliziano to Monteverdi (Cambridge, 1982), p. 86Google Scholar.

92 See Chanson and Madrigal (note 89), p. 87.

93 See Pirrotta, N., ‘Novelty and Renewal in Italy: 1300–1600’, Studien zur Tradition in der Musik: Kurt von Fischer zum 60. Geburtstag (Munich, 1973), pp. 49–65, especially pp. 59–60 and n. 19Google Scholar: ‘Composers … used popular tunes … as material for contrapuntal elaboration in the special type [of frottola] called villota (somewhat parallel to some French chansons). … Villote and French chansons are often associated in prints and manuscripts of the period preceding the ascent of the madrigal; they probably met the demand for polyphonic pieces to be sung a libro by dilettanti, a habit which may have contributed to the all-vocal development of the madrigal.’ On the chanson Tambur tambur, see Blackburn, B. J., ‘Two Carnival Songs Unmasked: A Commentary on MS Florence Magl. xix. 121’, Musica Disciplina, 35 (1981), pp. 121–78, pp. 135–6Google Scholar.